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The Ibadi Tafsir of Qur’an 49:9: Faith, Ingratitude, and the Theology of Reconciliation

“And if two parties from the believers should fight, then you [O men] should reconcile between them. Then if one of them transgresses against the other, then fight against the one that transgresses until it returns to the command of Allah. And if it returns, then reconcile between them in justice and act justly. Indeed, Allah loves those who act justly.” (Qur’an 49:9)

“And whoever kills a believer intentionally, their reward will be Hell. Therein they will stay indefinitely. Allah will be displeased with them, condemn them, and will prepare for them a tremendous punishment.” (Qur’an 4:93)

﷽

Introduction

Qur’an 49:9 stands as one of the most consequential verses in Islamic jurisprudence, politics, and theology concerning intra-community conflict.

The Ibadi tradition offers a uniquely rigorous and internally consistent reading of Qur’an 49:9, the verse commanding reconciliation. This article demonstrates how the Ibadi tafsir resolves tensions between the verse’s apparent designation of combatants as “believers” and its command to fight the transgressing party. The Ibadi position hinges on the distinction between kufr al-milla (disbelief of the religion) and kufr al-ni’ma (ingratitude of blessing), maintaining that the transgressor remains within the milla of Islam but enters a state of ingratitude subject to divine punishment. This framework is supported by the unique linguistic status of Qur’an 49:9, the Prophetic prohibition warning, and the strict rules of engagement established by the earliest Muslim community.

“And if two parties from the believers should fight, then make peace between them. But if one of them transgresses against the other, then fight against the one that transgresses until it returns to the command of Allah. Then if it returns, make peace between them with justice and be equitable. Indeed, Allah loves those who act equitably.” (Qur’an 49:9)

“min al-mu’minīn”–(مِنَ الْمُؤْمِنِينَ) The literal translation of “min al-mu’minīn” is “From the believers” or “Among the believers.”

This is very important to see how this verse of the Qur’an has been translated into English.

Look at the disparate translations of this verse into English here: https://tinyurl.com/5cv8der8

Look at some of the translations:

“Hence, if two groups of believers fall to fighting, make peace between them; but then, if one of the two [groups] goes on acting wrongfully towards the other, fight against the one that acts wrongfully until it reverts to God’s commandment; and if they revert, make peace between them with justice, and deal equitably [with them]: for verily, God loves those who act equitably.”-Muhammed Asad

“And if two parties of believers fall to fighting, then make peace between them. And if one party of them doeth wrong to the other, fight ye that which doeth wrong till it return unto the ordinance of Allah; then, if it return, make peace between them justly, and act equitably. Lo! Allah loveth the equitable.” -Marmaduke Pickthall.

This verse has generated extensive commentary across all Islamic schools of thought. However, the Ibadi tradition offers a uniquely rigorous and internally consistent reading that deserves careful attention. Drawing on the Ibadi tafsir Al-Abriz, the Taysir al-Tafsir of Atfayyish, the tafsir of al-Hawwari, the Prophetic tradition, and the broader Qur’anic framework, this article will demonstrate how the Ibadi position resolves apparent tensions in the text while maintaining a coherent theology of faith, sin, and community.

Asbāb al-Nuzūl: Reason or occasion for the revelation.

Ibn Abbas (or his report transmitted in Tanwīr al-Miqbās) (7th century / died 68 AH / 687 CE)

“(And if two parties of believers fall to fighting) this was revealed about the hypocrite ‘Abdullah Ibn Ubayy Ibn Salul and his host and ‘Abdullah Ibn Rawahah, a true believer, and his companions; these two parties fell to fighting after an exchange of words, and so Allah forbade them from fighting each other and commanded them to make up, saying, (And if two parties of believers fall to fighting then make peace between them) by referring to the Book of Allah. (And if one party of them) the party of ‘Abdullah Ibn Ubayy Ibn Salul (doeth wrong to) persists and transgresses against (the other) the party of ‘Abdullah Ibn Rawahah al-Ansari, and refuses to make peace by referring the matter to the Qur’an, (fight you that which does wrong till it return unto the ordinance of Allah) until it accepts to make peace by referring to the ordinances of the Qur’an; (then, if it return) if it accepts to make peace by referring the matter to the Book of Allah, (make peace between them justly, and act equitably) towards both parties. (Lo! Allah loveth the equitable) Allah loves those who judge justly by the Book of Allah, and act upon it.”

Source: (Abbas – Tanwîr al-Miqbâs min Tafsîr Ibn ‘Abbâs https://quranx.com/Tafsirs/49.9)

Tafsir al-Wahidi (by Abu al-Hasan al-Wahidi) 11th century / died 468 AH / 1075 CE) 400 years after Ibn Abbas.

“(And if two parties of believers fall to fighting, then make peace between them…) [49:9]. Muhammed ibn Ahmad ibn Ja‘far al-Nahwi informed us> Muhammed ibn Ahmad ibn Sinan al-Muqri’> Ahmad ibn ‘Ali al-Mawsili> Ishaq ibn Abi Isra’il> Mu‘tamir ibn Sulayman> his father> Anas who related: “I said: ‘O Prophet of Allah, why do you not visit ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy?’ The Prophet, Allah bless him and give him peace, decided to go and visit him. He mounted an ass and the Muslims walked with him. It happened that the ground was full of manure. So when the Prophet, Allah bless him and give him peace, reached ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy, the latter said: ‘Keep away from me, the staunch of your ass is offending me’. A man from the Helpers said to him: ‘By Allah, the ass of the Messenger of Allah, Allah bless him and give him peace, smells better than you’. One of the men of ‘Abd Allah ibn Ubayy got angry; then the men of both parties became angry because of what was said. They exchanged blows and hurled leafless palm leaves and sandals at each others. We heard that it is about them that (And if two parties of believers fall to fighting…) was revealed”. This was narrated by Bukhari from Musaddid and by Muslim from Muhammed ibn ‘Abd al-A‘la; both Musaddid and Muhammed ibn ‘Abd al-A‘la related it from al-Mu‘tamir.”

Source: (Wahidi – Asbab Al-Nuzul by Al-Wahidi https://quranx.com/Tafsirs/49.9)

Tafsir Ibn Kathir (by Imad al-Din Ibn Kathir) (14th century / died 774 AH / 1373 CE) 300 years after al-Wahidi and 650 years after Ibn Abbas.


“(And if two parties among the believers fall to fighting, then make peace between them both.) Therefore, Allah calls both opposing groups among Muslims, believers, although they are fighting each other. Al-Bukhari and other scholars relied on this Hadith as evidence that committing a sin does not nullify faith, no matter how major the sin is. This creed contradicts the creed of the Khawarij sect and those who accepted their idea, such as the Mu`tazilah sect.“

” Said bin Jubayr said that the tribes of Aws and Khazraj once got into a scuffle using date tree branches and slippers. Allah revealed this honourable Ayah comanding them to make peace between them. As-Suddi said, A man from Al-Ansar, whose name was Imran, had a wife called Umm Zayd. She wanted to visit her family, but her husband prevented her from visiting them by locking her in an upper room. So, none of her family could visit or see her. She sent someone to her family. They came, took her down from the room and wanted to take her away. Her husband was absent at the time, so his family called on their people. Their cousins came to help prevent the wife from going with her family. A push and shove situation occurred that led to them fighting using slippers. This Ayah was then revealed in their case, and the Messenger of Allah sent someone to bring peace between them, and they both agreed to resort to the decision of Allah the Exalted.'”

Source: (Kathir – Ibn Al Kathir https://quranx.com/Tafsirs/49.9)

Prima Qur’an comments. Ibn Kathir immediately evokes the so called ‘Khawarij’ and Mu’tazilah’ in which he puports to represent their position.

He then pivots to the Aws and Khazraj getting into a scuffle. He also narrates a conflict between among the Ansar themselves.

The prominent Maliki jurist Qadi Abu Bakr ibn al-Arabi (d. 1148 CE) from his landmark legal exegesis, Ahkam al-Qur’an remarked the following:

“The first: It was narrated by Saʿīd ibn Jubayr from Ibn ʿAbbās that it concerned Aws and Khazraj. A man from them insulted another, so each group supported its clansman until fighting erupted between them. Then the Messenger of Allah (saw) came and reconciled them, and Allah revealed the verse commanding justice and fairness.”

“The second: It was narrated that the verse was revealed concerning a dispute between two groups of the Anṣār. They took the case to the Prophet (saw), who judged between them. But one side refused the judgment and became angry, which led to fighting. Then Allah revealed the verse: “And if two groups of the believers fight each other, then reconcile between them.”

“The third: Al-Suddī narrated that a man from the Anṣār was married to a woman, and they had a disagreement. The woman wanted to go to her family, but her husband refused. She gathered her people, and he gathered his people, and they fought one another. Then the Prophet (saw) reconciled them, and the verse was revealed concerning them.”

“The fourth: It was said that the verse was revealed about ʿAbdullāh ibn Ubayy ibn Salūl (the hypocrite leader) who quarreled with a Muslim. Each of them brought his group to support him until fighting almost broke out. Then the Prophet (saw) reconciled them, and the verse was revealed.”

الْمَسْأَلَةُ الثَّانِيَةُ: أَصَحُّ الرِّوَايَاتِ: الْأَخِيرَةُ، وَالْآيَةُ تَقْتَضِي جَمِيعَ مَا رُوِيَ لِعُمُومِهَا وَمَا لَمْ يُرْوَ، فَلَا يَصِحُّ تَخْصِيصُهَا بِبَعْضِ الْأَحْوَالِ دُونَ بَعْضٍ.

“Al-ʿArabī said: The most authentic of the narrations is the last one. “The correct opinion is that the verse is general, and it is not restricted to a particular cause of revelation. The Qur’anic verse remains general in meaning, even if it was revealed about a specific event. What is narrated about Aws, Khazraj, Ibn Ubayy, or the story of the husband and wife all of it fits the meaning, but the ruling of the verse applies universally to every case.”

Source: (https://shamela.ws/book/1464/2036)

Prima Qur’an comments:

Examing the four cases.

The fourth case involves the hypocrite ʿAbdullāh ibn Ubayy ibn Salūl.

The second case involves one who refuses the very judgement of the Prophet (saw). Which makes you wonder how will you reconcile between those who won’t even accept the authority of the Prophet (saw). It is likely that ibn al-Arabi so the futility of that case from a matn perspective.

Ibn al-Arabi likely saw that the first case and the third case cancel each other out.

Why? Because if the verse was revealed for the first case it would be redundant to be revealed concerning the third case and if it was revealed concerning the third case it would be redunant concerning the first case.

The Ibadi scholars weigh in.

The eminent scholar Al-Qutb al-A’imma (r) said: 

(“And if two groups from the believers fight”) – They are called believers based on their apparent state known to us before the fighting. Or it means: ‘And if two groups from the believers’ – like calling a prepubescent child a ‘disobedient sinner’ (‘āṣin) based on his state before reaching puberty, even though their fathers have died.”

The eminent scholar Shaykh Al-Khalīlī (h) said:

“As for His saying, the Exalted, (“And if two groups from the believers fight”), it is possible to understand it based on considering the faith (īmān) of the two groups before the fighting. Just as one says: ‘The disbeliever believed,’ ‘The people repented,’ ‘The misguided one was guided,’ ‘The Muslim apostatized,’ and ‘The pious person sinned’ – this is said with regard to what they were upon, even though after his belief he is no longer a disbeliever. Similarly, after his repentance he is no longer a sinner, after his guidance he is no longer misguided, and whoever apostatizes from his Islam is no longer a Muslim. Likewise, the trader, after he has sinned, is not pious.”

“Similarly, the faith of the two groups: it is correct to consider it with regard to what they were upon before the fighting. However, the faith that prevents its ascription [being removed] from a person and a sinner is the faith upon which success and salvation in the Hereafter are contingent. This is just as Islam is used in contrast to disbelief (kufr), for conventionally, every monotheist is called a Muslim, even if he falls short in fulfilling the obligations of Islam, even though…”

Question: Does this observation by the respected scholars find evidence in the Qur’an?

Answer: Yes! by using Tafsīr al-Qur’ān bi’l-Qur’ān which is the method of explaining or interpreting the meanings of one verse of the Quran by using another verse from within the Quran itself.

(49:9) fa-in baghat iḥdāhumā ‘alā al-ukhrā — “if one of them oppresses the other”

Is there any verse outside of Qur’an 49:9 that suggest that this is the conduct of the righteous and those who fear Allah? Is there anywhere in the Qur’an where Allah uses this descriptor to describe the righteous and those who fear Allah?

The root b-gh-y is not used for ordinary sinning. It is used for transgression, oppression, rebellion — a specific and severe category. This specific category is never applied to believers or to the righteous anywhere in the Qur’an.

Form I verb baghā (بَغَىٰ) — 25 times

Every single Qur’anic usage of Form I in the active sense is negative. It means to transgress, oppress, rebel, or wrong someone.

Examples:

  • (2:213) baghyan baynahum — “out of jealousy among themselves”
  • (3:19) baghyan baynahum — “out of envy among themselves”
  • (7:33) wal-baghya bighayri al-haqq — “and oppression without right” (forbidden)
  • (10:23) yabghūna fi’l-ard bighayri al-haqq — “they rebel in the earth without right”
  • (28:76) fa-baghā ‘alayhim — “but he oppressed them” (Qarun)
  • (38:22) baghā ba’ḍunā ‘alā ba’ḍ — “one of us has wronged the other”
  • (42:27) la-baghaw fi’l-ard — “they would surely rebel in the earth”
  • (49:9) fa-in baghat iḥdāhumā ‘alā al-ukhrā — “if one of them oppresses the other”
  • (55:20) lā yabghiyāni — “they do not transgress” (the two seas)

Conclusion: Form I verb baghā is never used in the Qur’an to describe the righteous positively. It is always transgression, oppression, or rebellion. The only “neutral” usage is in the sense of “seeking” in a few places, but even then the context is not describing the righteous as such. Example: (3:83) afaghayra dīn Allāh yabghūna — “Do they seek other than the religion of Allah?” — which is a rebuke.

Noun baghy (بَغْي) — 11 times

Every single usage is negative. It means transgression, oppression, envy, or rebellion.

  • (2:90) baghyan — “grudging”
  • (2:213) baghyan baynahum — “out of jealousy among themselves”
  • (3:19) baghyan baynahum — “out of envy among themselves”
  • (6:146) bibaghyihim — “for their rebellion”
  • (7:33) wal-baghya — “and oppression” (forbidden)
  • (10:23) baghyukum — “your rebellion”
  • (10:90) baghyan wa ‘adwan — “in tyranny and enmity” (Pharaoh)
  • (16:90) wal-baghyi — “and oppression” (forbidden)
  • (42:14) baghyan baynahum — “out of rivalry”
  • (42:39) al-baghyu — “tyranny”
  • (45:17) baghyan baynahum — “out of envy”

Conclusion: The noun baghy is never used positively. It is always a blameworthy quality.

Noun baghiyy (بَغِيّ) — 2 times

Both usages refer to an unchaste woman — a negative term:

  • (19:20) wa mā kuntu baghiyyan — “I have not been unchaste” (Maryam’s defense)
  • (19:28) wa mā kānat ummuki baghiyyan — “nor was your mother unchaste”

Conclusion: Always negative.

Verbal noun bighā’ (بِغَاء) — 1 time

  • (24:33) wa lā tukrihū fatayātikum ‘alā al-bighā’ — “do not compel your slave girls to prostitution”

Conclusion: Always negative.

Active participle bāgh (بَاغ) — 3 times

All three occur in the same phrase:

  • (2:173) ghayra bāghin wa lā ‘ādin — “neither desiring [it] nor transgressing”
  • (6:145) same
  • (16:115) same

Conclusion: The participle bāgh here means “one who desires” or “one who transgresses” — in the context of eating forbidden food under necessity. It is not describing the righteous; it is describing the limits of a concession for the one in need. The righteous person is the one who does not desire the forbidden thing.

Source: https://tinyurl.com/ysxxw89n

Perhaps the most striking feature of the Sunni understanding of Qur’an 49:9 is that this is the only verse in the entire Qur’an where they can claim the apparent believers are described as bāghī (transgressors)!

The Sunni reading must work harder to explain why the Qur’an uses a term for believers in 49:9 that it never uses for believers anywhere else.

If the question is which reading is on firmer textual footing, the Ibadi reading has the stronger case. This is not because it is the majority position, but because it is the reading that accounts for the most textual data with the no unresolved tensions.

Where as we have seen using Tafsīr al-Qur’ān bi’l-Qur’ān the Sunni understanding doesn’t hold under scrutiny.

This misunderstanding not only clashes with the Qur’an but clashes with sound tranmission from the Blessed Prophet (saw).

As we have seen it clashes with the Qur’an. Such a descrption is never applied to believers or to the righteous anywhere in the Qur’an.

It also clashes with the following:

“And whoever kills a believer intentionally, their reward will be Hell. Therein they will stay indefinitely. Allah will be displeased with them, condemn them, and will prepare for them a tremendous punishment.” (Qur’an 4:93)

The (eternal punishment for intentional killing of a believer) creates a tension that the Sunni framework struggles to resolve without collapsing into Murji’ism.

This verse presents a serious problem for the Sunni reading:

If the bāghī remains a believer, and they intentionally kill another believer, then Qur’an 4:93 applies to them: eternal Hell.

But Sunni theology generally holds that a Muslim who commits a major sin does not face eternal Hell they face punishment, then eventually enter Paradise.

So either Qur’an 4:93 applies to the bāghī (and they face eternal punishment), or Qur’an 4:93 does not apply to the bāghī (which shouldn’t require an strenuous explanation).

Narrated Ibn `Umar:

I heard the Prophet (saw) saying, “Do not revert to disbelief (kuffaran) after me by striking (cutting) the necks of one another.”

Source: (https://sunnah.com/bukhari:7077)

The Ibadi reading is that this confirms that intra-Muslim fighting is a form of kufr. In particular kufr al-ni’ma, the kufr that does not expel one from the milla.

The Ibadi reading has the advantage of taking the word kufr seriously while still maintaining that the fighters remain within the community. The Sunni reading must explain why the Prophet (saw) used the word kufr if he did not mean kufr in some sense. Look at the verse:

“Then if one of them transgresses against the other, then fight against the one that transgresses until it returns to the command of Allah.”

  1. The verse does not describe the two parties who did ijtihād and erred. Or had a “difference of opinion” — it uses the language of transgression.
  2. It cannot be imagined that Allah (swt) is asking believers to fight against those who are in conformity with Allah and his Messenger.
  3. This is proven by the fact that one faction has to return to the command of Allah. If they were upon the command of Allah they would not be fought.

The Verse of the Qur’an Does Not Call Both Parties Believers While They Fight.

Let us look at the actual Arabic:

وَإِن طَائِفَتَانِ مِنَ الْمُؤْمِنِينَ اقْتَتَلُوا
Wa-in ṭā’ifatāni min al-mu’minīna iqtatalū

The structure is:

طَائِفَتَانِ (ṭā’ifatāni) — two factions

مِنَ الْمُؤْمِنِينَ (min al-mu’minīna) — from among the believers

اقْتَتَلُوا (iqtatalū) — they fought

The description “from among the believers” qualifies the subject before the action. The verse does not say “two factions of believers fought.” It says “if two factions from among the believers fight.”

Grammatically and logically, the min al-mu’minīn is identifying who these factions are drawn from — the believing community. It is describing their origin, their prior status, their membership in the community.

It is not saying they are believers in the state of fighting.

So when the Qur’an says “two factions from among the believers fought,” it is saying:

They were believers before the fighting.

The one who commits (baghy) transgression is to be fought.

The description “believer” applies to what they were, not to what they are doing.


The verse continues:

فَإِن بَغَتْ إِحْدَاهُمَا عَلَى الْأُخْرَىٰ فَقَاتِلُوا الَّتِي تَبْغِي
Fa-in baghat iḥdāhumā ‘alā al-ukhrā fa-qātilū allatī tabghī
“But if one of them transgresses against the other, then fight against the one that transgresses.”

So the Qur’an:

Identifies them as from among the believers (prior state).

Describes one of them as transgressing (baghat).

Commands fighting the transgressing one — not both.

If both parties remained believers in the state of fighting, the verse would not single out one as the transgressor. The verse makes a moral distinction: one party is in the wrong. The other is the wronged party. The wronged party is not fought. The transgressing party is fought until it returns to Allah’s command.

This is why the Sunni framing of “two groups of believers who had a misunderstanding” is problematic. The verse does not describe a mutual misunderstanding. It describes one party transgressing against the other.

What they were: believers.

What one of them did: transgressed.

What the community must do: fight the transgressor until it returns.

The one who fights unjustly is the bāghī. The one who is fought against is the wronged believer.

So the question becomes: what is the status of the believer who transgresses?

This is where the Ibadi framework comes in:

They remain within the milla(the religion). They are not kuffār in the sense of kufr al-milla.

But they have entered kufr al-ni’ma. That is the ingratitude of blessing by transgressing against their fellow believers.

They are subject to fighting until they return, and to divine punishment if they do not.

This is a coherent, textually grounded framework. And it does not require reading the verse as describing a “big misunderstanding” between two parties who remain believers while fighting.

The Argument from A Fortiori Reasoning (Qiyās al-Awlawī)

“O you who have believed, let not a people ridicule other people; perhaps they may be better than them; nor let women ridicule other women; perhaps they may be better than them. And do not insult one another and do not call each other by offensive nicknames. Wretched (bi’sa) is the name of disobedience (l-fusūqu) after [one’s] faith. And whoever does not repent – then it is those who are the (l-ẓālimūna) wrongdoers.” (Qu’ran 49:11)

If ridicule — a word, a gesture, a nickname — is enough to earn the label fāsiq and ẓālim, then what about killing?

The Qur’anic reasoning is:

  1. Premise 1: Ridicule and insult are prohibited, and those who persist in them are called fāsiq and ẓālim (Qur’an 49:11).
  2. Premise 2: Killing a believer intentionally is a far graver offense . It is the destruction of a life, the breaking of the community, the ultimate transgression against a fellow Muslim.
  3. Conclusion: Therefore, the one who kills a believer is at least a fāsiq and a ẓālim and in fact, far worse.

Notice the sequence. The verse does not say:

  • “Ridiculing is a minor sin.”
  • “Insulting is a peccadillo.”
  • “Nicknames are a trivial matter.”

It says:

  • The one who does these things has been labeled with disobedience (fusūq).
  • The one who does not repent is among the wrongdoers (ẓālimūn).

These are Qur’anic categories of serious moral failure. They are not casual descriptors. They are the same categories used elsewhere in the Qur’an for grave offenses.

Now place this next to Qur’an 4:93:

“And whoever kills a believer intentionally, their reward will be Hell. Therein they will stay indefinitely. Allah will be displeased with them, condemn them, and will prepare for them a tremendous punishment.” (Qur’an 4:93)

The contrast is stark:

OffenseQur’anic Response
Ridicule, insult, nicknamesFusūq, ẓulm, bi’sa
Intentional killing of a believerEternal Hell, divine wrath, divine curse, tremendous punishment

If ridicule earns fusūq and ẓulm, then intentional killing which earns eternal Hell and divine curse cannot possibly leave the perpetrator in the same moral category as before.

Dear readers! What planet or universe does this make sense? Taking the life of a believer is a lesser offense than ridicule?!

This is precisely the point. The Sunni framework that says:

  • Ridicule → fāsiq, ẓālim
  • Intentional killing of other Muslims → are the actions of a Mu’min?

This creates a moral inversion. The lesser offense (ridicule) earns the label fāsiq and ẓālim. The greater offense (killing) supposedly leaves one a Mu’min in good standing. It is a matter of ijtihad?!

This is incoherent. And it is precisely why the Ibadi framework of kufr al-ni’ma is more consistent:

  • Ridicule → kufr al-ni’ma (ingratitude)
  • Intentional killing → kufr al-ni’ma (ingratitude), and far more severe

Both are within the milla outwardly, but both have entered kufr al-ni’ma. The difference is in the degree of the offense and the severity of the punishment.

The Qur’an does not say that the one who ridicules is a Mu’min in good standing. It says he is a fāsiq and a ẓālim unless he repents. How much more, then, the one who kills?

The Two Types of Kufr: Kufr al-Milla and Kufr al-Ni’ma

The Ibadi position hinges on a critical distinction between two categories of kufr (disbelief/ingratitude):

1. Kufr al-Milla (Disbelief of the Religion): This is outright rejection of Islam, placing one outside the community of believers entirely. This is the kufr of the polytheists and those who deny God’s existence or reject the Prophethood of Muhammed(saw).

2. Kufr al-Ni’ma (Disbelief/Ingratitude of Blessing): This applies to a Muslim who commits a major sin (kabīra) but still affirms the oneness of Allah (tawḥīd) and belongs to the milla of Islam. Such a person is a kāfir in the sense of being ungrateful for Allah’s blessings, but not a kāfir in the sense of being outside the faith.

This distinction is rooted in the Qur’an itself. In Surah Ibrahim (14:7), Allah declares:

“And [remember] when your Lord proclaimed, ‘If you are grateful (shakartum), I will surely increase you [in favor]; but if you are ungrateful (kafartum), indeed, My punishment is severe.'” (Qur’an 14:7)

The verse establishes a direct correlation between gratitude (shukr) and increase in favor, and between ingratitude (kufr) and severe punishment. The one who fights and kills fellow believers is acting in kufr al-ni’ma. They are ungrateful for the blessings of faith, brotherhood, and life itself.

Crucially, the Qur’an does not promise paradise to the ungrateful (kafartum) as a standalone category. Paradise is promised to the believers, the righteous, the Allah-conscious, the patient, and the repentant. In no place is it ever promised to the ungrateful (kafir) as a category. Therefore, the bāghī cannot claim the promise of paradise while persisting in their transgression.

The Qur’an explicitly warns:

“And whoever kills a believer intentionally, their reward will be Hell. Therein they will stay indefinitely. Allah will be displeased with them, condemn them, and will prepare for them a tremendous punishment.” (Qur’an 4:93)

This verse presents a serious theological problem: How can a believer who commits such a sin face eternal punishment? The Ibadi answer is that the intentional killer has entered a state of kufr al-ni’ma—a state of ingratitude so profound that they are subject to the severe punishment promised in Qur’an 14:7.

 Qur’an 2:112 and The Two Conditions

“Yes [on the contrary], whoever submits his face (wholeself/being) in Islam to Allah while being a doer of good will have his reward with his Lord. And no fear will there be concerning them, nor will they grieve.”

The verse establishes two conditions:

  1. أَسْلَمَ وَجْهَهُ لِلَّهِ (aslama wajhahu li’llāh) — submission of the face to Allah. This is the inward orientation: sincerity, devotion, turning toward Allah.
  2. وَهُوَ مُحْسِنٌ (wa-huwa muḥsin) — being a doer of good. This is the outward manifestation: actions of obedience, iḥsān in practice.

The reward is contingent on both. Neither alone is sufficient. This is a key Qur’anic principle: faith and works are inseparable in the Qur’anic vision of salvation.

How This Fits the Ibadi Understanding

The Ibadi framework of kufr al-ni’ma (ingratitude of blessing) and kufr al-milla (disbelief of religion) maps directly onto this verse:

The person who claims belief but has no outward actions of obedience has entered kufr al-ni’ma. They have not left the milla — they are still outwardly Muslim, still part of the community — but they are not fulfilling the condition of iḥsān that Qur’an 2:112 requires for reward and security.

This is precisely why the Ibadi tradition takes outward conformity seriously. It is not enough to say “I believe”. The Qur’an demands that belief be accompanied by iḥsān (doing good).

By not, at the very least, calling out the lack of outward conformity, it becomes very easy for hypocrites to move about undetected, although the inward hypocrisy can only be dealt with by Allah.

The Ibadi framework does not pretend to judge the inward. It judges the outward, because that is what the community has access to, and it leaves the inward to Allah. But precisely because it takes the outward seriously, it does not allow outward conformity to be ignored.

Every Mumin is a Muslim but not every Muslim is a Mumin.

“The bedouins say, ‘We have believed.’ Say, ‘You have not believed; but say [instead], “We have submitted,” for faith has not yet entered your hearts.'” (Qur’an 49:14)

This verse is directly adjacent to Qur’an 49:9–12. It is part of the same surah, the same discourse, and the same thematic unit. And it establishes the exact distinction this article is builds on:

TermMeaningWhat it describes
Islam (أَسْلَمْنَا)Submission, outward entry into the communityThe dhāhir — what is visible, legal, social
Īmān (آمَنَّا)Faith, inward conviction The inward (bāṭin) —what is in the heart or the ḥaqīqa (reality) — is only accessible to Allah

The bedouins claimed īmān (inward faith). Allah corrected them: You have not believed; say instead that you have submitted. The outward profession of Islam is real, but the inward faith has not yet entered their hearts.

The bedouins in 49:14 are Muslims (aslamnā). That is they have entered the milla. But they are not yet believers (mā āmannā). Meaning īmān has not entered their hearts. Their status is:

  • Outwardly: Muslim part of the community, subject to its laws and protections.
  • Inwardly: Not yet a mu’min faith has not entered the heart.
  • Their reality: Their reality is known to Allah alone.

The Prophetic Warning

The Ibadi reading of Qur’an 49:9 is strongly supported by the Prophetic tradition.

“Do not revert after me as disbelievers, striking the necks of one another.”

The Arabic word used is kuffāran (كُفَّارًا). While some translations render this as “disbelievers,” the Ibadi understanding as reflected in our translation as “ungrateful ones” actually captures the essence of the warning. The Blessed Prophet (saw) was not saying that those who fight each other become actual disbelievers outside the fold of Islam. Rather, he was warning that fighting fellow Muslims is an act of extreme ingratitude (kufr al-ni’ma) that mimics the behavior of disbelievers.

Narrated Ibn `Abbas:

The Prophet (saw) said, “When (a person) an adulterer commits illegal sexual intercourse, then he is not a believer at the time he is doing it; and when somebody steals, then he is not a believer at the time he is stealing .”

Source: https://sunnah.com/bukhari:6782

Narrated Abu Huraira:

The Prophet (saw) said, “An adulterer, at the time he is committing illegal sexual intercourse is not a believer; and a person, at the time of drinking an alcoholic drink is not a believer; and a thief, at the time of stealing, is not a believer.” Ibn Shihab said: `Abdul Malik bin Abi Bakr bin `Abdur-Rahman bin Al- Harith bin Hisham told me that Abu Bakr used to narrate that narration to him on the authority of Abu Huraira. He used to add that Abu Bakr used to mention, besides the above cases, “And he who robs (takes illegally something by force) while the people are looking at him, is not a believer at the time he is robbing (taking).

Source: https://sunnah.com/bukhari:5578

So when a person who is part of the milla of Islam is not described a believer at the moment they commit illegal sexual intercourse, steals, drinks, or robs then what is his status when he oppresses a fellow Muslim? Especially when this oppression leads to intentional killing?

The Ibadi commentary in Al-Abriz reinforces this point:

It is not valid to apply the name of ‘Believer’ to the one who commits major sins, as is apparent from the noble verse, because He described them with faith at the time of the fighting, before it.” (Al-Abriz, p. 315)

The Divine Method in Extinguishing the Fitnah of Fighting Between the Believers

“And if two factions among the believers should fight, then make settlement between the two. But if one of them oppresses the other, then fight against the one that oppresses until it returns to the ordinance of Allah. And if it returns, then make settlement between them in justice and act justly. Indeed, Allah loves those who act justly. The believers are but brothers, so make settlement between your brothers. And fear Allah that you may receive mercy.” (Qur’an 49:9-10) -pg 314 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz

“And the point of connection between this passage and the previous passage is what was mentioned regarding the possibility of the people being afflicted with ignorance. This leads to the fire of discord and the disintegration of the bonds of brotherhood. And the Muslims, in the throes of confusion and regret, hasten with the necessary remedy to heal the wounds of division and conflict, and to extinguish the flames of hatred and aversion. And if “And if two factions among the believers should fight, then make settlement between the two” — O leaders of the Muslim community — the sparks of conflict between two factions of the believers appear, leading to outbreaks of wars and bloody clashes, then hasten to mend the breach and gather the word.” -pg 314 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz

” [This is] in light of what has been permitted to you of experience in the field of reform. The root [of the word] in the verb “should fight” (iqtatalū) is used in the sense of intending the occurrence. This is like His saying, the Most High: “O you who have believed, when you rise to [perform] prayer…” (5:6). [This is] because the command to reform is obligatory, and the nearest [course of action] when signs of enmity and verbal confrontations appear is that, because the matter is greater, blood has flowed and properties have been destroyed. And with this, there is a transition to the branch: “But if one of them oppresses the other.” And the meaning and the face [of it]: Al-Ta’ifah (the faction): the group distinguished from others by language, or history, or social specificity. And it is not valid to apply the name of “believer” to the one who commits major sins, as is apparent from the noble verse, because He described them with iman (faith) before their fighting, as became clear to you previously from His saying: “And if two factions among the believers should fight…” (49:9). If one of them does not submit to the other, [and] does not yield to the path of reconciliation, harmony, and agreement, it leads to arrogance and audacity in aggression against the other with force and weapons. [This is indicated by] His saying: “then fight against the one that oppresses until it returns to the ordinance of Allah” (49:9). So the leadership of the Muslim community aids the oppressed faction against the oppressive, transgressing faction until it submits to the command of Allah, and His command is what calls to it of responding to the call of reconciliation and justice, and refraining from injustice. “And if it returns, then make settlement between them in justice” (49:9).” -pg 314-315 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz

“If the transgressing faction desists from its aggression and stops its crimes, then make peace — O leadership of the Muslim community — between the two factions with the balance of justice, to reach a solution that satisfies the guardians of both parties. And it may be among the crucial matters that contribute to extinguishing the flames of discord: the absence of demanding compensation from the two parties for blood and wealth, and emphasis upon the removal of justice, for the position is one of caution regarding bias and harm, especially if the damages of the two factions are vastly different, and their losses are greatly disparate. “And act justly. Indeed, Allah loves those who act justly” (49:9) — meaning: return. And His saying “and act justly” is an emphasis upon the guardians of the matter to reaffirm the aforementioned testament of justice, because reform in matters of blood and destruction requires much study, focus, and deliberation, so that every possessor of a right is given their right. And the command to establish justice in the verse is general, encompassing all aspects of life and its multiple issues, whether at the level of individuals or groups. And the divine love for His servant who is just is not a sentimental emotion or a tender longing; rather, His love is His aid, support, and divine confirmation. Then the sentence “The believers are but brothers” (49:10) is in the position of explaining the previous [command] to make peace in His saying: “And if two factions among the believers should fight… then make settlement between them in justice” (49:9).” -pg 315 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz

“The meaning: those gathered under the shade of faith are nothing but brothers, and He expressed the relationship of brotherhood without [mentioning] other human relationships like friendship, fatherhood, and sonship, because it is the most truthful and strongest, and in it The majority remain firm, and it is appropriate to draw attention in this noble verse to the fact that iman (faith) is a description of all Muslims from the various Islamic schools of thought, as long as one of them does not deny something known of the religion by necessity (which is categorical).” -pg 315-316 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz

“Therefore, the people of a school of thought do not have the right to exclude another school of thought from that Qur’anic description (iman) due to a doctrinal branch in which it differs, or due to a baseless historical accusation, so that it becomes easy for them to impose war upon them. For they have been addressed by the explicit text of the Noble Qur’an: “The believers are but brothers” (49:10). They said: “Those are not believers.” But the truth is that they negated iman from them due to their school of thought, not according to the Qur’anic standard of the advisor: “So make settlement between your brothers” (49:10). The transition to reconciliation is based on the bond of faith, to emphasize what the word “only” (innamā) indicated, and to increase the affirmation of the two reconciliations mentioned previously: “So make settlement between them” (49:9) and “then make settlement between them in justice” (49:9). And the observation here is that He did not say: “So make settlement between the two factions,” but rather He shifted to the new description, which is established by His saying: “The believers are but brothers” (49:10). “And fear Allah that you may receive mercy” (49:10) is a follow-up to the divine obligation (the command and the prohibition) with the command of piety, to indicate the necessity of observing the required caution and not taking the matter lightly. And the meaning: And fear the punishment of your Lord by making immediate reconciliation between the believing brothers who have been separated, and [fear] the one who strives for reconciliation [regarding] the consequences of mercy in this world and the Hereafter.” -pg 316 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz

The Necessary Etiquettes for Preserving Islamic Brotherhood

“O you who have believed, let not a people ridicule [another] people; perhaps they may be better than them; nor let women ridicule [other] women; perhaps they may be better than them. And do not insult one another and do not call each other by [offensive] nicknames. Wretched is the name of disobedience after [one’s] faith. And whoever does not repent — then it is those who are the wrongdoers. O you who have believed, avoid much [negative] assumption. Indeed, some assumption is sin. And do not spy or backbite each other. Would one of you like to eat the flesh of his brother when dead? You would detest it. And fear Allah; indeed, Allah is Accepting of repentance and Merciful.” (Qur’an 49:11-12)” -pg 316 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz

“After affirming the meaning of the bond of faith in this passage, it calls for what strengthens it, establishes it, and raises it to a new level, by encouraging individuals to good companionship. This is done by adopting a set of ethics and etiquettes that a person may be ignorant of or belittle, but which are among the foundations of building a Muslim society. Indeed, laxity in them undermines the unity of the Islamic brotherhood and threatens its pillars with collapse. The opening of the call with “O you who believe” (49:11) -pg 316 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz

Source: (pgs. 314-316 Al-Ibriz fi Tafsir al-Qur’an al-‘Aziz – Pure Gold in the Interpretation of the Noble Qur’an – First Edition 2019 CE 1440 AH -The fourth Volume/Part 4 )

This is an Ibadi tafsir published under the supervision of the Office of Fatwa in the Sultanate of Oman. It is a contemporary, simplified commentary on the Qur’an produced by a committee of scholars.

Authored by a select group of professors/scholars. This was done under the supervison and scholarly review of Ibrahim Muhammed Fadil bin Salman al-Sawafi.

Rules of Engagement

The passage from Atfayyish’s Taysir al-Tafsir provides the historical context for the revelation of Qur’an 49:9. It recounts a specific incident involving ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy ibn Salul, the leader of the hypocrites (munafiqun) in Medina:

“It is mentioned in the story of Badr: Usama ibn Zayd was riding behind him [the Prophet], and on the donkey was Qutba ibn Abi Salul before he embraced Islam. Al-Khazraj passed by a gathering of the Jews, and they had idols and a Muslim with them. When the gathering was covered by the braying of the donkey, ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy said: ‘Do not frighten us with your donkey.’ The Messenger of Allah (saw) stopped, descended, recited the Qur’an, and called them to Allah. ‘Abdullah said: ‘O man, there is nothing better than what you say, if it were true. So do not harm us in our gatherings.’ So the Messenger of Allah (saw) returned to his mount. Then ‘Abdullah ibn Rawaha said: ‘O Messenger of Allah, he is harming us in our gathering, so we are the polytheists…’ And the Jews and the Muslims almost fought. The Prophet (saw) continued to reconcile them until they were quiet, then he rode his mount. Then the verse was revealed.” Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 436)

This historical context confirms that the verse 49:9 was revealed to address civil strife (fitnah) within the Muslim community. The Prophet’s own action—reconciling rather than fighting—demonstrates the priority of peace.

The passage also cites a narration from Al-Hasan:

“One of them was a hypocrite (munafiq) supported by his people, and the other was a believer (mu’min) supported by the Muslims, so they fought. Then it was revealed.”

Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 436)

The Rules of Engagement (Fiqh al-Baghy)

The early Muslim community established strict rules of engagement for fighting the transgressing believers. Ibn Mas’ud ruled:

“The wounded among them is not to be finished off, the captive among them is not to be killed, the fugitive among them is not to be pursued, and no spoils are to be divided regarding them.”

Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 436)

These rules prove beyond a doubt that the bāghī remains a Muslim. You do not take spoils from Muslims, nor do you execute Muslim captives. The goal is to restore order, not to exterminate the transgressors.

And a caller announced on the Day of the Camel:

“Do not pursue a fugitive, do not finish off a wounded person, and do not kill a captive.”

Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 436)

When a captive was brought to Ali on the Day of Siffin, he said:

“I will not kill you, for I fear Allah, the Lord of the Worlds.” Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 436)

This demonstrates the extreme caution the early Muslims exercised in shedding the blood of fellow believers.


The Sequence of Commands: Reconciliation, Fighting, and Justice

The Taysir al-Tafsir of Atfayyish provides a detailed legal analysis of the sequence of commands in Qur’an 49:9:

{“But if one of them transgresses against the other”} — after the request for reconciliation, and the refusal is merely [an act of] defiance. It has not yet been dealt with, so it necessitates {“then fight against the one that transgresses until it returns to the command of Allah”}.

Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 433)

Atfayyish highlights a critical detail in the verse’s structure. The command to “make peace” (fa-aṣliḥū) appears twice:

  • First: “If two parties fight, make peace between them.” (General reconciliation)
  • Second: “Then if it returns, make peace between them with justice.” (Post-fighting reconciliation)

He explains that the first reconciliation is directed at both parties. But if one party transgresses (baghat), the second command to reconcile is directed specifically at the transgressor—they are the ones who must be brought back to obedience first, before peace can be established.

The Al-Abriz commentary adds:

“If one of them transgresses against the other, then fight against the one that transgresses until it returns to the command of Allah.” The purpose of fighting is not to exterminate the transgressors but to bring them back to obedience. The commentary notes that the verb qātilū (fight) is used in the sense of willing the occurrence, similar to the command to establish prayer. The goal is correction, not destruction. (Al-Abriz, p. 315)

The Taysir al-Tafsir also confirms the linguistic point we discussed earlier:

{“Until it returns” (tafi’a)} — it is said that the meaning is: until it returns to the command of Allah, which is His ruling. [The word] tafi’a (returns) is used exclusively for returning to obedience after disobedience.

Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 434)

This is a crucial theological point. The bāghī is not being called to “convert” to Islam (as a disbeliever would be). They are being called to return to obedience (ṭā’ah) after a state of disobedience (ma’ṣiyah). This confirms that they are already Muslims; they have simply fallen into kufr al-ni’ma.

“Until it returns” (tafi’a)}

Justice and Equity: The Goal of Reconciliation

The Taysir al-Tafsir emphasizes that reconciliation must be done “with justice” (bil-ʿadl). Why? Because the position is one of “suspicion of bias” (maẓinnat al-ḥayf). After blood has been shed, there is a natural tendency for one party to seek revenge or for the mediator to favor one side. The Qur’an commands absolute equity to prevent further injustice:

{“Then make peace between them with justice”} — the command [here] includes the prevention of wealth, and the blood-money for the killed and the wounded, and the corruption in the body. And the expression “with reconciliation” is because it may not lead to the restoration of every right to its owner, even if the reconciliation is [meant to be] clear. It is permissible for reconciliation to remove the corruption, even if it does not perfectly distinguish every right to its owner, if there is a fear of the continuation of the dissension.

Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 434)

Atfayyish outlines the practical steps of reconciliation:

  • Prevention of wealth (badal min al-amwāl): The transgressor must compensate for destroyed property.
  • Blood-money (diyāt): Compensation for the killed and wounded.
  • Corruption in the body (al-fasād fī al-badan): Physical injuries must be accounted for.

This confirms that the bāghī is legally liable for their actions — proof that they are still a Muslim. You do not pay blood-money to a disbeliever’s family in the same way; you take their wealth as spoils.

The Al-Abriz commentary adds:

“This is a confirmation of the aforementioned instruction of justice, because reform in matters of blood and destruction requires much study, focus, and deliberation, so that every person with a right is given his right.” Sources: (Al-Abriz, p. 315) & (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 438)

The verse concludes with the statement that “Allah loves those who act equitably” (al-muqsiṭīn). This divine love is not a sentimental emotion but a promise of victory, success, and support for those who establish justice.

Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 434)

The Brotherhood of Faith

Qur’an 49:10 immediately follows the verse on fighting:

“The believers are but brothers, so make peace between your brothers and fear Allah that you may receive mercy.” (Qur’an 49:10)

“Those gathered under the shade of faith are nothing but brothers, and the brotherhood relationship is without [the need for] other human relationships like friendship, fatherhood, and others, because it is the most truthful, strongest, and most powerful.” (Al-Abriz, p. 316)

This brotherhood is the basis for the command to reconcile. If the fighters were outside the milla of Islam, there would be no brotherhood to preserve. But because they are outwardly Muslims— guilty of kufr al-ni’ma — the doors to repentance and reconciliation must remain open so as to restore peace and unity.

The Taysir al-Tafsir notes that the sentence “The believers are but brothers” is in the position of explaining the previous instruction for reconciliation:

“And the meaning: Those gathered under the shade of faith are nothing but brothers, and the brotherhood relationship is without [the need for] other human relationships like friendship, fatherhood, and others, because it is the most truthful, strongest, and most powerful.”

Source: (Taysir al-Tafsir, Atfayyish, p. 438)

Source material: (Taysir al-Tafsir li’l-Qur’an al-Karim, Qutb al-A’imma Muhammed ibn Yusuf Atfayyish)

The Strength of the Ibadi Position

The Ibadi tafsir of Qur’an 49:9 offers a theologically rigorous and textually grounded reading that resolves several apparent tensions:

PrincipleIbadi PositionEvidence
Status of the BāghīBeliever in milla, kāfir in ni’ma (ungrateful).Qur’an 49:9 (nowhere in the Qur’an is bāghī for believers); Qur’an 14:7 (kafartum = severe punishment); Hadith Bukhari 7077 (“Do not revert as kuffāran“).
Goal of FightingTo restore obedience and justice, not to exterminate.Qur’an 49:9 (“until it returns to the command of Allah”); Taysir al-Tafsir (tafi’a = return to obedience after disobedience).
Rules of EngagementNo killing captives, no spoils, no pursuit of fugitives.Ibn Mas’ud’s ruling in Taysir al-Tafsir, p. 436; the caller on the Day of the Camel; Ali’s statement “I will not kill you, for I fear Allah.”
ResponsibilityThe community leaders (ahl al-amr) must reconcile.Qur’an 49:9 (“make peace between them”); Al-Abriz (leaders of the Muslim community).
PurposeEliminate rancor and hatred, establish justice.Taysir al-Tafsir (purpose of the verse is the elimination of rancor and hatred); Qur’an 49:10 (brotherhood).
Nature of the DutySupporting the oppressed against the transgressor is a jihad.Taysir al-Tafsir (a group of our people said: assistance of the oppressed is a jihad).

Conclusion

The Ibadi tafsir of Qur’an 49:9 offers a balanced theology that upholds the sanctity of faith while recognizing the gravity of sin.

The Ibadi position, is not one of extremism or excessive leniency. It is a rigorous, textually grounded, and spiritually profound reading of the Qur’anic text. It demonstrates that the Muslim community is called to be a community of justice, reconciliation, and mercy even in the midst of its most painful internal conflicts. It provides a framework for addressing intra-community conflict that neither demonizes the transgressor nor ignores their wrongdoing. It serves as a powerful reminder that faith and sin are not mutually exclusive—but the consequences of sin are severe, and the path to reconciliation requires justice, equity, and a steadfast commitment to the bonds of brotherhood.

  1. The root b-gh-y is never used for believers elsewhere in the Qur’an.
  2. The min al-mu’minīn describes prior state, not the state of fighting.
  3. The hadith uses kufr language for intra-Muslim fighting.
  4. Qur’an 4:93 creates a tension that the Ibadi framework resolves.

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Why do Muslims take solitary reports (khabar al-āhād) in jurisprudence?

“O believers, if an evildoer brings you any news, verify so you do not harm people unknowingly, becoming regretful for what you have done.” (Qur’an 49:6)

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In Islamic jurisprudence, khabar al-āhād (solitary report) is a narration that does not reach the level of mutawatir (mass transmission). In terms of its epistemic value, it is generally considered dhannī (probabilistic/speculative) rather than qat’i (absolutely certain).

What has happened is that we as Muslims have not done a great job in explaining why do we accept the lone narrator reports in jurisprudence?

It is very clear on why we do not accept the lone narrator reports in matters of theology.

Shaykh Massoud bin Mohammed al Miqbali (h) he made this very clear in his lecture here:

This has lead many Muslims to have an inconsistent epistemology. Where one will take the word of people as given for practically all facets of life. However, the same one will be skeptical or outright reject the words of the Blessed Prophet (saw).

The khabar al-āhād (solitary report) yields epistemic probability, and they do not yeild absolute certainty (qat’i).

This khabar al-āhād (solitary report)is further broken down into three categories:

Gharib (strange/scarce): Narrated by only a single reporter at every point in the chain.

Aziz (rare/strong): Narrated by exactly two people at every point in the chain.

Mashur (well-known): Narrated by at least three to nine people at every point in the chain.

Now coming back to the word dhannī. This means that there is a probability of it being true and a probability of it not being true.

This is why honesty and integrity are very important in Islam. It is why lying is a major sin in Islam.

In fact, every society at every level values honesty and integrity within individuals.

The Qur’an gives us qat’i (decisive text) that informs the Muslims that we are to rely upon dhannī in testimonies and as witness.

“The month of Ramadan is the month in which the Quran was revealed; a guide for the people, the most authoritative of all guidance and a criteria to discern right from wrong. Anyone from among you knows that the month of Ramadan has begun, he must start to fast. Those who are sick or on a journey have to fast the same number of days at another time. Allah does not impose any hardship upon you. He wants you to have comfort so that you may complete the fast, glorify Allah for His having given you guidance, and that, perhaps, you would give Him thanks.” (Qur’an 2:185)

The basis for begining out fasting in the month of Ramadan is on the report of a single witness.

“O believers! When you contract a loan for a fixed period of time, commit it to writing. Let the scribe maintain justice between the parties. The scribe should not refuse to write as Allah has taught them to write. They will write what the debtor dictates, bearing Allah in mind and not defrauding the debt. If the debtor is incompetent, weak, or unable to dictate, let their guardian dictate for them with justice. Call upon two of your men to witness. If two men cannot be found, then one man and two women of your choice will witness—so if one of the women forgets the other may remind her. The witnesses must not refuse when they are summoned. You must not be against writing for a fixed period—whether the sum is small or great. This is more just in the sight of Allah, and more convenient to establish evidence and remove doubts. However, if you conduct an immediate transaction among yourselves, then there is no need for you to record it, but call upon witnesses when a deal is finalized. Let no harm come to the scribe or witnesses. If you do, then you have gravely exceeded the bounds. Be mindful of Allah, for Allah teaches you. And Allah has knowledge of all things.” (Qur’an 2:282)

“O believers! When death approaches any of you, call upon two just Muslim men to witness as you make a bequest; otherwise, two non-Muslims if you are afflicted with death while on a journey. If you doubt, keep them after prayer and let them testify under oath, “By Allah! We would never sell our testimony for any price, even in favour of a close relative, nor withhold the testimony of Allah. Otherwise, we would surely be sinful.” (Qur’an 5:106)

“And those who accuse chaste women and then do not produce four witnesses – lash them with eighty lashes and do not accept from them testimony ever after. And those are the defiantly disobedient.” (Qur’an 24:4)

“And those who accuse their wives [of adultery] and have no witnesses except themselves – then the witness of one of them [shall be] four testimonies [swearing] by Allah that indeed, he is of the truthful. And the fifth [oath will be] that the curse of Allah be upon him if he should be among the liars. But it will prevent punishment from her if she gives four testimonies [swearing] by Allah that indeed, he is of the liars. And the fifth [oath will be] that the wrath of Allah be upon her if he was of the truthful.” (Qur’an 24:6-9)

“Then when they have reached the end of their waiting period, either retain them honourably or separate from them honourably. And call two of your reliable men to witness and bear true testimony for Allah. This is enjoined on whoever has faith in Allah and the Last Day. And whoever is mindful of Allah, He will make a way out for them.” (Qur’an 65:2)

“O  believers! Do not kill game while on pilgrimage. Whoever kills game intentionally must compensate by offering its equivalence as judged by two just men among you to be offered at the Sacred House, or by feeding the needy, or by fasting so that they may taste the consequences of their violations. Allah has forgiven what has been done. But those who persist will be punished by Allah. And Allah is Almighty, capable of punishment.” (Qur’an 5:95)

“And if you fear dissension between the two, send an arbitrator from his people and an arbitrator from her people. If they both desire reconciliation, Allah will cause it between them. Indeed, Allah is ever Knowing and Acquainted with all things.” (Qur’an 4:35)

We will translate one section that is relevant for our discussion here. We will also translate the full discussion on the other matters as well.

“One of the rationalists comes and says: “Here you are, differing regarding such hadiths. The meaning of these hadiths is not correct; they indicate probability(dhann), as some have said, and probabilty is not acted upon.” Fine, probability is not acted upon. Meaning that it could be correct in one possibility, or it could be incorrect. So this also means he would not act upon the Qur’an in many matters, regarding the commands and prohibitions of the Qur’an. Allah, blessed and exalted, has commanded us in explicit text to accept the testimony of two just witnesses in judgment: “And bring to witness two just men from among you”. This is a definitive Qur’anic text. He says: Yes, this is definitive in the Qur’an. Fine, but if we come to application: suppose someone claims let’s say, the phone is broken, or in my estimation, this pen is yours. Okay, if this person stands up and takes this pen in his hand and says, “Ustadh Khalid said this is my pen,” then fine — bring two witnesses. He brings two witnesses, and the judge rules based on these two witnesses because they are just, according to what he sees either through his personal knowledge of them or through their being vouched for. Is this ruling definitive? Is it definitive or not? As for the fact that he rules by the testimony of two just witnesses, that is definitive from the Qur’an. That he is commanded to judge by the testimony of two just witnesses. But is the justice of these two men definitively established? It can never be definitively established. A judge can never be certain about any person. I said to him: We do not have definitive certainty regarding anyone’s testimony of course, except for the prophets and messengers. And he says what does he say? That no one’s testimony can be definitively affirmed. Allah, blessed and exalted, has poured the meaning into its molds, and it is not my fault if the cows do not understand. So we told him: In application, we cannot be certain that so-and-so is such-and-such. We do not say that the ummah has no just people. The ummah has just people. But when you want to rule based on the testimony of two just witnesses, fine. In terms of application, this is probablity(dhann). So if you rule by probabilty, fine. What about prayers? If a person does not know the direction of the qiblah, and one, two, or three people come and tell him the qiblah is this way, for example — is he certain of their statement?” -Shaykh Saeed bin Mabrouk Al-Qanubi (h).

“Fine, they say it is established. For example, two people even regarding the differences of opinion among scholars if two just witnesses testify to the sighting of the crescent for the beginning or end of Ramadan, it is established. Fine, two just witnesses testify to seeing the crescent on the day of doubt. Fasting is prohibited on that day, and on the day of Eid, fasting is prohibited. Does he accept their testimony and fast or break his fast? Yes. Fine, the fast of Ramadan is established by definitive evidence. Yes, “The month of Ramadan in which the Qur’an was revealed.” Fine, is he certain of the truthfulness of the two just witnesses? He is not certain of their truthfulness. Likewise, in matters of rights, and in many matters of purification. If, for example, someone knows that his garment was affected by impurity, and a just person tells him, “I have washed it,” is he certain that it has been washed? He is not certain, but he is not required to be certain in such matters. Testimonies cut off hands, and even cut off heads. Fine. And one follows according to the known rulings you have. Fine, by the testimony of two just witnesses, a person does not have certainty. A man marries a woman, saying “I married you,” and so-and-so and so-and-so testify that she is his wife. Fine, he then permits himself to look at her, touch her, have marital relations, and the children are his children, and he inherits from her and she from him, and all the other known rulings. And if he divorces, likewise the known rulings, and rulings on dhihar, manumission, and other matters the testimony of just witnesses all of these are probabilistic (dhanniyyah). The underlying principles are definitive, but in terms of establishment and application, they are probable. So how can they apply such matters if they wanted to?”-Shaykh Saeed bin Mabrouk Al-Qanubi (h).

Based on the information provided in the text, the Shaykh is making the following implications for Islamic jurisprudence regarding the use of khabar al-āhād (solitary/lone-narrator reports) and dhannī (speculative) evidence:

The Qur’anic Foundation: Certainty of Source vs. Certainty of Application

The Shaykh establishes a crucial distinction:

  • Definitive textual sources (e.g., the Qur’anic command to accept the testimony of two just witnesses – “And bring to witness two just men from among you”), which are qaṭ’ī (definitive and certain) in their textual authenticity.
  • The practical application of that text, which is dhannī (speculative/probabilistic) because it depends on human factors. Such as verifying the actual justice (‘adālah) of the two witnesses in a given case.

The key insights: Even when the source is certain (the Qur’an), the application in any particular case is always probable(dhannī). A judge can never be 100% certain that the two witnesses before him are truly just. He acts on outward indications.

Therefore, certainty in the source does not translate into certainty in the ruling derived from that particular application.

His point: Even when the source is certain, the implementation is always probable. A judge can never be 100% certain that the two witnesses before him are truly just; he only acts on outward indications (personal knowledge or external vouching). Therefore, certainty in the source does not translate into certainty in the ruling derived from that particular application.

The Practical Necessity Argument

Many everyday legal rulings cannot be established through mass-transmitted reports alone:

  • Details of prayer
  • Transaction rules
  • Family law
  • Purification rules

Without accepting khabar al-āhād, the legal system would lack guidance on most practical matters.

Despite being dhannī (speculative and fallible), the shaykh argues that such evidence is fully actionable in Islamic law. He gives multiple examples where even definitive rulings (like the obligation of Ramadan fasting, the prohibition of fasting on Eid, marriage, divorce, inheritance, purification of clothes, and even capital punishments) are implemented based on the testimony of two witnesses. Yet no one claims absolute certainty about the witnesses’ truthfulness.

Speculative Evidence is Sufficient for Action in Practice

The implication: Islamic jurisprudence does not require qaṭ’ (absolute certainty) for every ruling in practice. Probabilty(dhann), when based on valid legal mechanisms (like witness testimony), is legally sufficient and binding, even though it carries the possibility of error.

The Argument from Consistency (Reductio ad Absurdum)

Rejecting Speculative Hadith Would Lead to the Collapse of the Legal System

The shaykh uses this analogy to answer the rationalist who dismisses āhād hadiths because they are dhannī and “probability is not acted upon.” The shaykh turns this argument on its head:

“If you refuse to act on dhann in the case of hadith, then you must also refuse to act on dhann in all these other areas of Islamic law (testimony, prayer direction, purification, marriage, etc.).”

Since that is impossible and would render the entire legal system unworkable, the implication is clear:

Speculative evidence (dhann) is not only acceptable in Islamic jurisprudence, it is unavoidable and integral to the functioning of the law.

The Distinction Between Theology and Jurisprudence

Why take the dhanni in jurisprudence but not take the dhanni in theology?

Theology (ʿAqidah)Jurisprudence (Fiqh)
Requires absolute certainty (yaqīn)Probability (ẓann) is sufficient
Concerns eternal salvationConcerns worldly actions
Doctrines about Allah, prophethood, afterlifePractical legal rulings
Cannot risk errorError is possible and accommodated
Qur’an + Mutawātir onlyQur’an + Ahad + Consensus + Analogy +Various legal parameters defined by respective schools.

Rationale: Matters of belief require certainty because they concern eternal salvation; legal rulings concern worldly actions where probability is acceptable for practical and pragmatic purposes.

The Real Issue is Not Epistemological Certainty but Legal Reliability

The shaykh implies that the proper criterion for accepting khabar al-āhād is not whether it yields qaṭ’ (certainty), but whether it meets the juridical standards of reliability (ṭhrāq al-dhann – giving a strong/overwhelming presumption of correctness).

Just as a judge accepts testimony based on outward justice without penetrating the inner conscience of the witnesses, scholars accept āhād reports based on established criteria of narrators’ reliability, without requiring absolute knowledge of their inner truthfulness.

Summary of the Implication:

The shaykh is arguing that the dhannī (speculative) nature of khabar al-āhād does not disqualify it from being a valid source of evidence in Islamic jurisprudence. On the contrary, most legal rulings in practice operate on dhann. Including those derived from the Qur’an when applied through human testimony.

To reject āhād reports on the grounds that they are merely probable would be inconsistent, because it would require rejecting the vast majority of Islamic legal rulings that are themselves implemented on the basis of probability, not certainty. Thus, speculative evidence is legally authoritative (ḥujjah) in action, even if it falls short of absolute epistemological certainty.

The Role of Human Fallibility

The Shaykh emphasizes that narrators are fallible:

  • They may forget.
  • They may err in retention.
  • They may have misunderstood.
  • They may have narrated before abrogation.
  • Their opinions may contradict their narrations.

Examples given:

  • ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab(ra) forgot the tayammum incident.
  • Ibn ‘Abbas (ra and others differed on narrations.
  • Scholars may reject a narration due to hidden defects (‘ilal).

The Methodology of Evaluating Ahad Reports

The Shaykh outlines how ahad reports are evaluated for jurisprudence:

  1. Examine the chain – Is it continuous? Are narrators trustworthy?
  2. Examine the text – Does it contradict established principles?
  3. Consider abrogation – Was it early or late in revelation?
  4. Consider interpretation – Is the apparent meaning intended?
  5. Check for consensus – Has the ummah agreed on the contrary?
  6. Look for hidden defects (‘ilal) – Subtle issues undermining authenticity.

Summary: The Ibadi Position

AspectTheologyJurisprudence
StandardCertainty (yaqīn)Probability (ẓann)
SourceQur’an + MutawātirQur’an + Ahad + Consensus + Analogy +Various legal parameters defined by respective schools
ResultDefinitive doctrinesPractical rulings (may be revised)
ErrorNot permittedPermitted; law accommodates human fallibility

The Ibadi position is epistemologically consistent:

  1. Certainty is required for theology because it concerns eternal truths.
  2. Probability is sufficient for law because law operates in the realm of human affairs.
  3. The Qur’an itself demonstrates this principle through its acceptance of witness testimony.
  4. Rejecting probability would collapse the legal system entirely.

The Ibadi school thus maintains a dual-track epistemology:

  • High epistemic standard for matters of faith.
  • Practical epistemic standard for matters of action.

This allows us to preserve certainty in theology while having a functional, comprehensive legal system based on the full range of prophetic traditions.

The following is the respected Shaykh speaking on other matters not related to the above topic. However, we have decided to translate and share what he has said for the benefit of the general readers. The Shaykh is given legal verdicts and answering questions given by students and those who seek knowledge. May Allah (swt) continue to bless the Shaykh and bless others by him.

Shaykh Saeed bin Mabrouk Al-Qanubi (h) fatwa session.

“But I say: the one who does not examine many of these issues may reject some hadiths because he sees them as contradicting what has been settled upon, and he may rule that hadiths are contradictory, and he may blunder about blindly, and take from such [superficial views]. There come those wicked people and say: ‘No problem they all used to perform ablution together. No problem a woman can come with a non-mahram man and do this, uncover her head, do this and that. You are extreme and obstinate! This is the Sunnah of the Prophet (saw), and you claim to follow it, yet you reject those who oppose it, etc., etc.’

It is necessary to know the time in which the Messenger (saw)spoke or did something. Was it before the ruling that is now settled, or not? If we say the first excuse [abrogation], the scholar would not reject that hadith. The second issue is abrogation itself. Yes. He was speaking about the narration of Rabī’ah regarding the issue of [the prohibition of] predatory animals. So how does one respond to this narration? Yes . By reconciling it [with other texts], as we said. If it cannot be reconciled with the Qur’an, then [it may be rejected], but here it can be reconciled. No problem. He says: ‘I do not find in what has been revealed to me anything forbidden…’ yes, at that time there was nothing forbidden except these things, as we know. Even prayer had not yet been prescribed in the form we see today, and fasting had not yet been prescribed in the form it is now, and zakāh had not yet been fully detailed . It was general at the beginning, and jihād was not originally obligatory at all, but rather recommended. Likewise, some things like wine was lawful. Can someone come, for example, and find that Hamzah (may Allah be pleased with him) drank wine, as mentioned in some narrations, and then say that wine is lawful because Hamzah drank it, and that he (Hamzah) could not have done such a thing, and even if we assume he did, why did the Prophet (saw)not rebuke him?

The answer: He drank it at a time when wine had not yet been forbidden. So it is true that it can be said at that time: ‘I do not find it [forbidden]’. Then the prohibition of wine came later. Likewise, in many matters, no one can [ignore this principle]. And this is an issue where some may err regarding certain hadiths. They do not distinguish between what came early and what came later. For example, one finds a report that men and women used to perform ablution together. Someone may come and say: ‘This hadith is not authentic, because it is not possible for a woman to perform ablution with a non-mahram man. She would have to wash her hands, wipe her head, etc.’ But this hadith is not necessarily invalid, because it could be that firstly the report says ‘men and women’ in an absolute or general wording, and this absolute wording is intended to be restricted, or this general wording is intended to be specified. Who were the ones performing ablution together? They were mahrams with their mahrams there is no problem with a wife and her husband, nor with a woman and her brother, son, father, grandfather, grandson, nephew, etc. That is how some scholars interpret it. And some scholars said: Yes, but this was before the hijab was prescribed. But I am not in need of preponderance here.

What I am saying is: the one who does not examine many of these issues may reject some hadiths because he sees them as contradicting what has been settled upon, and he may judge that hadiths contradict each other, and he may blunder about blindly, and take such approaches. Those wicked people come and say: ‘No problem, they all used to perform ablution together. No problem, a woman can come with a non-mahram man and do this, uncover her head, do this and that. You are extreme and obstinate! This is the Sunnah of the Prophet (saw), and you claim to follow it, yet you reject those who oppose it, etc., etc.’ It is necessary to know the time in which the Messenger (saw) spoke or did something. Was it before the ruling that is now settled, or not?

For example, someone comes to the issue of visiting graves: it was permissible, then prohibited, then permitted again. Can someone take a hadith containing the prohibition and go to a man visiting graves and forbid him from doing so, claiming that the Prophet (saw) forbade it? When the Prophet (saw) later permitted it? Likewise, regarding predatory animals with fangs: they were permissible in the past, then later prohibited. Though some scholars say there is no problem with the hadith because the Arabs were not accustomed to eating such animals, so the prohibition came, and Allah said: ‘I do not find in what has been revealed to me anything forbidden to eat except these things…’ And the Arabs originally did not eat these. I am not in need of preponderance between these two views, but I say: the hadith is authentic and established. No problem. And do we say this is from the category of abrogating and abrogated, or not? There is no problem in this, and it requires discussion: what is meant by permissibility here? Is it legal permissibility, or is it permissibility based on the original principle? This then branches into whether it is abrogating/abrogated or not.

Someone may also come to the issue of ‘water is from water’ . This was at a time when a man who came to his wife and did not ejaculate was not required to perform ghusl; ghusl was only required upon ejaculation. Later, ghusl was prescribed generally . Whether the man ejaculated or not. Can someone use the first hadith as evidence and say: ‘Ghusl is required because water is from water,’ and then say: ‘These two hadiths contradict. One says water is from water, and the other says when he sits between her four limbs… look at these contradictory hadiths!’? There is no problem with these hadiths. That was at one time, and this at another. Contradiction only occurs between two matters if they are at the same time. If one informant tells you I was in Muscat yesterday, and another tells you I am in Sinaw today is there contradiction? No, that was at one time, and this at another. But if both informants told you that at the exact same hour, not even the same day, because it could be morning or afternoon; they said I was in Muscat at that exact hour, then we would say this is a contradiction; one of them is mistaken. Either lying or erring. He may have seen my car there (and I have another car) and assumed I was there. This happens.

I remember once someone called wanting to speak to Shaykh Ahmad, and the call was transferred — there were voice recordings of Shaykh Ahmad. When they transferred him, someone in the other location said: ‘Peace be upon you, I wanted Shaykh Ahmad to listen to a lesson with him.’ When he heard that, he assumed Shaykh Ahmad was giving a lesson at that moment. But Shaykh Ahmad may have been traveling to another region of Oman, or even outside Oman. So one person says: ‘I heard Shaykh Ahmad just now in Sinaw giving a lecture,’ and another says: ‘No, Shaykh Ahmad is currently in such-and-such country.’ We say: No, that is wrong. He merely assumed. When he heard that recording, he thought Shaykh Ahmad was currently giving a lesson, but in reality it could have been from 10 or 20 years ago. It was recorded. Or someone saw Shaykh Ahmad’s car driven by someone else coming to the ministry, so he assumed Shaykh Ahmad was there. Such contradictions occur due to error. But if the matter occurred at two different times, there is no contradiction. And this is what abrogation is about: if a ruling was established before, then changed; if it was not previously established, then the first was based on the original principle of permissibility, and the second is a new ruling.

The same applies to domestic donkeys. Initially they were not forbidden, then later forbidden. And the same applies to temporary marriage (mut’ah). It was lawful, then forbidden, and scholars differed on whether it was permitted again then forbidden again. The outcome is that it is now forbidden. Some scholars say it was lawful, then forbidden, then lawful, then forbidden; others say it was lawful, then forbidden. As for the other reconciliation regarding the hadith of Khaybar that mentions that wording there is scrutiny over its authenticity. We do not need to establish that it was lawful at one time and then forbidden. Likewise, predatory animals were lawful at one time according to one view. Though we mentioned there is a view that they were never lawful, but rather were not part of Arab diet, so they were not even mentioned.

The excuse of that scholar or those scholars is that some of them had not come across the hadith at all; some criticized it; some came across it in a wording open to interpretation. Even if one says that prohibition in principle indicates forbiddance. As Shaykh al-Imām al-Sālimī (may Allah have mercy on him) said, and its ruling is forbiddance and permanence. But here there is a contextual indicator that shifts it. However, if someone comes, what should he do? Should he say: ‘I follow such-and-such’? How can you say ‘I follow al-Sālimī’ when you were criticizing this hadith, and you were capable of criticism, or you were not? If he was not capable, why would he criticize it? In reality, he is not capable, or you have something in its text that needs discussion. But if you say: ‘I just follow,’ then we find people like this. They do not distinguish between these matters. Among them are ignorant people, and among them are those with ulterior motives. Authentic, established hadiths from the Prophet (saw)are brought to them, but if they desire a particular matter, they pay no attention except to those hadiths that suit them, claiming: ‘We are followers, and we follow so-and-so scholar, and we are safe — and no scholar has said you are safe by following in such matters.’

Yes, a person may be considered ‘safe’. Consider if a person prays facing the wrong direction, then the matter becomes clear to him. People whose testimony he cannot reject come and say: ‘O so-and-so, you are facing east, and the qiblah is west.’ Is he told ‘you are safe’? Fine . So-and-so, my companion, prayed and finished. How can you say ‘safe’? We say ‘safe’ because the proof had not been established against him. I think this is clear. The proof had not been established that the qiblah was in that direction; he knew the qiblah differently and thought it was that way. So he prayed, no problem. Or if a person performed tayammum and prayed outside. Fine. He prayed and finished, and they said: ‘So-and-so, you prayed. No problem; you don’t have to repeat it.’ This is the well-known correct view. He prayed, but he did tayammum. He must perform wudū’ or ghusl if he was in a state of major impurity, or if a woman was in menstruation or postnatal bleeding, then she must perform ghusl. But that does not mean he is commanded to repeat that prayer. However, tayammum does not suffice when water becomes available it does not suffice. He says: ‘How can you say he is safe? I also did tayammum like he did, he performed the prayer, and may have even died. But you did not perform the prayer because the proof had been established against you. For example, you were informed of the presence of water that you could reach before the prayer time ended, or even if water was available but at an excessive price. Scholars have detailed this issue regarding excessive price or otherwise. The point is: if a person does not intend to oppose [the truth], then here there is a difference.

So if he has come across the hadith but in what form? In a wording that allows interpretation, while it is authentically established in a wording that leaves no room for interpretation. A scholar may come across the hadith but forget it, and this is common, clear, and well-known. For example, ‘Umar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb (may Allah be pleased with him) was with ‘Ammār and the Prophet(saw), and they performed tayammum, the Prophet(saw) instructed tayammum for ‘Ammār due to major impurity. But later, when the issue arose again, ‘Umar (may Allah be pleased with him) forbade tayammum. ‘Ammār said: ‘O Commander of the Faithful, do you not remember when we were in such-and-such situation?’ and he reminded him of that incident, and the period between the death of the Prophet (saw) and the death of ‘Umar (may Allah be pleased with him) was only about a year. Even if we say it happened at the end of that period, there is no doubt it happened before. Yet he forgot.

Here, some people may come with ulterior motives and say: ‘Look at ‘Umar! How can he be a Commander of the Faithful and not even understand this matter?’ This is for the wisdom of Allah . A scholar may attain much knowledge, yet subḥān Allāh, some matters are hidden from him. Matters are hidden from those greater than him. One scholar is reported to have delved deeply into the chapter of sales and become very knowledgeable. Then one day a layman came and asked him a question, and he could not answer it. However, someone much less knowledgeable than him in that field answered it. He realized and said: ‘There is a share for the self here’. He had thought he had attained everything, but this is for those who hold themselves accountable in such matters. So no problem. ‘Umar (may Allah be pleased with him) may have forgotten. But how many did he forget? If he forgot one, two, or three hadiths what can be said? He forgot (may Allah be pleased with him), even though ‘Ammār reminded him he reminded him, but ‘Umar did not recall. So what if there is a chain of narration: ‘So-and-so narrated to me from so-and-so from so-and-so…’?

I saw some people criticizing Musnad al-Rabī’ on the grounds that al-Rabī’ did not narrate from Abū ‘Ubaydah, citing that it is narrated from Abū ‘Ubaydah that he denied the prohibition of predatory animals. So how could he deny that while narrating the hadith? This does not impugn Abū ‘Ubaydah — neither his knowledge, nor his narration of the Sunnah, nor the fact that this hadith is narrated through him. It is possible he said that before he came across the hadith; or he came across it and forgot; or other known possibilities. Similar things occurred to other imams of the schools of jurisprudence. It is possible he narrated this hadith after holding that view and then retracted to what he narrated from the hadith. Moreover, that narration from Abū ‘Ubaydah may not be established. Even if found in some fiqh books — because the chain to Abū ‘Ubaydah is not continuous; the one who attributed that statement to Abū ‘Ubaydah may have erred.

As for their claim that they criticized the narrator saying ‘if the narration is authentic’ does that mean they criticized Abū ‘Ubaydah, or Jābir, or Ibn ‘Abbās? No, it does not necessarily mean they criticized any of them. But if the narration is established, it may be said they criticized the narration of that narrator because he erred — even if he was trustworthy. When someone rejects the narration of Ibn ‘Umar (may Allah be pleased with him) when he said ‘the Messenger of Allah (saw) performed ‘umrah in Rajab,’ and ‘Ā’ishah (may Allah be pleased with her) rejected it does that mean she impugned Ibn ‘Umar? No, it impugns his narration, though one might loosely say it impugns the narrator. By this we mean his retention of that particular narration. This is something one should be aware of: when it is said they impugned his memory, it does not mean they impugned his memory absolutely; it means they impugned his retention of that specific narration. This is well-known.

Sometimes, in books of jarḥ wa ta’dīl especially abridgments like al-Mīzān, al-Mughnī, al-Ḍu’afā’, al-Tahdhīb and its branches they abbreviate and do not mention the incident or the reason for the criticism. They simply say ‘they impugned his memory’ meaning his memory for that narration, not absolutely. They may even use expressions that seem to disparage the narrator, though that is not their intent. Similarly, scholars impugned the statement of Ibn ‘Abbās (may Allah be pleased with them both) that the Prophet (saw) married Maymūnah while in iḥrām. They said Ibn ‘Abbās erred. The news reached him about the timing of the marriage, and he assumed the Prophet (saw) married her at that time, while in fact he had married her earlier. When the news reached him, he assumed otherwise and reported accordingly.

From here comes the statement: ‘A solitary hadith does not establish creedal matters.’ They think that when we say this, we are impugning something we are certain came from the Prophet (saw). As some people say: ‘You are rejecting the Messenger of Allah (saw)!’ They say: ‘Whoever rejects the Prophet (saw) is lost and ruined.’ But he (the scholar) is saying: ‘The Prophet (saw)did not say this’ or at least ‘I doubt whether he said it or not.’ He is not saying: ‘The Prophet said it, and I reject his words.’ No Muslim would ever say: ‘O Messenger of Allah, you say such-and-such, but your words carry no weight.’ They should have paid attention to this. But calamity! Whoever is not granted success is in calamity; and its opposite is success. The successful one is guided to good, but the forsaken one is struck with calamity.

So one person, when confronted with the hadith ‘Where is Allah?’ said: ‘You are rejecting the Messenger of Allah (saw)!’ Fine. If we wanted to treat him likewise, we would say: ‘You too, when you narrated this hadith, then Allah willed [otherwise], you said this is a Jewish creed.’ On your own logic, someone can come and say: ‘You are rejecting the Messenger of Allah (saw) and describing his words as a Jewish creed. Meaning he held Jewish beliefs’. Even though the hadith is in Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī. What is your answer to this?

There is no doubt we do not accuse him of saying ‘the Prophet did not say this’ and this is an error whether from al-Bukhārī, or his shaykh, or his shaykh’s shaykh, or one of the narrators. The Prophet cannot have said it. And we say to you: if so, we also say: ‘Where is Allah?’ This wording was not said by the Prophet (saw) It may be from Muslim, or from Muslim’s shaykh, or from his shaykh’s shaykh. There is no doubt that al-Bukhārī is higher in rank than Muslim, and Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī is higher than Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim. If it is permissible for you to impugn a narration in Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, why is it not permissible for us to impugn a narration in Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim? What is his answer? Even if he died many years ago, what is the answer of his followers? They make things seem huge, so that some poor student or layperson thinks: ‘This school of thought rejects the Messenger of Allah (saw) and does not accept his words!’ This is flimsy, incoherent talk. No one has ever said this. We do not accuse any Muslim of rejecting a hadith of the Prophet (saw). Rather, we say: a scholar may reject a hadith because it is weak in his view.

They differ on some hadiths. They differ on their indications or even their authenticity. Abrogation in the Qur’an for example. Some scholars differed on whether certain matters are abrogated or not; this indicates prohibition, that indicates recommendation or permissibility, this indicates obligation, that indicates something else. In specifying generalities of the Qur’an, they differed; in restricting, in interpretation, in the meanings of many Qur’anic verses. Anyone who looks at books of tafsīr of rulings knows this. These things may raise some doubts. Not long ago, some people came to me with this doubt They did not know how to respond: ‘How can hadiths be probable and we act on probability?’ Fine. These rulings are agreed upon by the ummah, and the evidence indicates the authority of the Sunnah. This is a matter definitively established among the ummah. Leave aside those who have no value. But application of some hadiths remains we do not exaggerate the matter. Application in some hadiths this also exists in the case of the Qur’an. Yes, the establishment of the Qur’anic text is definitive, but hadiths differ.

What time is it now? 38 minutes [past]. Usually, how long do they stop? 11:30. So we have about an hour less. The point is: many matters arise. The issue of forgetfulness exists. A scholar may remember a hadith and forget it later. As I mentioned before, even some hadiths in Musnad al-Rabī’ , When Shaykh al-Sālimī (may Allah have mercy on him), Shaykh Abū Nabhān, and Ibn Madād too, regarding some hadiths these are later books. They say: Musnad of Abū Ya’qūb is not sufficient, and scholars for example, if we bring an example from Ibn Barakah, or Abū Sa’īd, or some early scholars they would reject them because they had not seen Musnad al-Rabī’, as it was not available. Fine. SShaykh al-Sālimī saw Musnad al-Rabī’, and Abū Nabhān saw it. When Shaykh al-Sālimī (may Allah have mercy on him) came to the hadith of combining prayers, initially he seemed to want to discuss it, but then he realized the hadith is in the Musnad. You can look at Shaykh al-Imām’s words in al-Ma’ārik this is present. So besides al-Rabī’, a scholar may forget.

Shaykh al-Sālimī (may Allah have mercy on him), despite the closeness of time and his great memory but subḥān Allāh, for a wisdom Allah wills, something like this may occur to a scholar. In al-Ma’ārij, when he came to the issue of facing the qiblah he said it is not a condition for the supererogatory prayer if one is on a mount. And I say: ‘on a mount’ does not necessarily imply restriction, because if he is not on a mount but walking, offering supererogatory prayer facing other than the qiblah there is discussion about this. I do not intend restriction. The question is: when he intends to say the takbīr of iḥrām, should he face the qiblah? If we assume a man is on a camel or a mount and wants to offer supererogatory prayer, is he required to stop the mount or turn it toward the qiblah as it moves, to say the takbīr of iḥrām, and then proceed as he wishes? Or, for example, stop his car facing the qiblah? But in reality, it is not easy for a driver to offer supererogatory prayer. He should occupy himself with listening to the Qur’an, reciting, dhikr, supplication, reflection, and similar acts of worship; and there are many, praise be to Allah.

As for performing prayer with prostration and bowing, this could cause an accident and bring great harm to himself and others . It is not appropriate for a driver. But if we assume two men are traveling, and the one riding beside the driver wants to offer supererogatory prayer is he required to say: ‘Brother, stop the car so I can face the qiblah,’ then say the takbīr of iḥrām and continue on the path he wants? Or is this not required? Four authentic hadiths report that the Prophet (saw) used to offer supererogatory prayer facing other than the qiblah, indicating his bowing and prostration. A narration from Anas ibn Mālik (may Allah be pleased with him) states that the Prophet (saw) used to face the qiblah when intending the takbīr of iḥrām. Some scholars considered this narration sound, others weakened it and the view that it is weak is probably closer to correctness. But this is not the point of evidence. The point is that Shaykh al-Imām al-Sālimī (may Allah have mercy on him) mentioned in al-Ma’ārij the narration indicating this, but in Sharḥ al-Jāmi’  which is later than al-Ma’ārik and close in time he mentioned that there is no narration indicating that. So subḥān Allāh despite the Shaykh’s great memory, for a wisdom Allah wills, something like this may occur.

And also, a scholar may reject a narration because others among the narrators forgot it. A narrator narrates a hadith, ‘So-and-so told us from so-and-so from the Prophet (saw) and then the narrator relates the hadith from that , and later says: ‘I do not remember narrating that hadith to you.’ This is present, like the hadith of the takbīr narrated from Ibn ‘Abbās in Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī. But this does not harm [the hadith], though some scholars say it does, and they criticize the hadith on that basis. A scholar may also criticize a hadith because it contradicts why? the madhhab of its narrator, or because the narrator contradicted that narration. Here, some scholars say: the criterion is the narrator’s narration, not his opinion that contradicts it. Others say: the criterion is the narrator’s opinion regarding his narration, because a just narrator cannot contradict a hadith he narrated unless that hadith is interpreted or carried upon other than its apparent meaning. In reality, we say: the matter requires some examination and scrutiny when judging each narration.

First, we need to examine the chain of the opinion attributed to that narrator, and also examine the chain of the narration he narrated. In many narrations, we find a narrator narrating a hadith, yet an opinion contrary to it is attributed to him; but that opinion attributed to him is not established from him. So here, there is no contradiction between his narration and his opinion; because that opinion is not authentically established from that Companion or that narrator (if non-Companion) for us to say: ‘We take the narrator’s opinion or his narration,’ because in reality it is only a narration, and the madhhab attributed to him is not authentic from him.

The opposite may also occur: the narration is not established, and the opinion attributed to him is what is authentically established from him. An example is the issue narrated from Ibn ‘Abbās (may Allah be pleased with him) that divorce during the time of the Prophet (saw) three divorces counted as one. The narration is not authentic; rather it is weak. And the authentic view of Ibn ‘Abbās is that it counts as three. Someone might say: ‘How can Ibn ‘Abbās contradict his own narration?’ If both the opinion and the narration were authentic, we could examine and say: perhaps Ibn ‘Abbās knew this was initially the case, then abrogated. But we say: there is no abrogation here. The narration is not authentic, and the opinion is the correct one. So we must look: if the opinion is correct and the narration is correct, then we need to study the matter because it is possible the narrator abandoned it out of forgetfulness and absent-mindedness, narrated it long ago, then forgot and said otherwise. It is also possible he held that opinion first, then later narrated the hadith as we mentioned regarding Abū ‘Ubaydah (may Allah have mercy on him). It is also possible he understood it first, and then we look at his interpretation is it correct or not? Or he may have said it was abrogated, or specified, or restricted and then we examine. It may be said: his excuse is the context of this narration, which led him to his view. Or it may be said: he is a mujtahid like other mujtahids we look at his narration; if his opinion aligns with the correct meaning of the narration, we take it; otherwise, no.

This of course requires examples, but for now, you have the issue of wiping over leather socks (khuffayn) Abū Hurayrah is reported to have narrated that the Prophet (saw) wiped over them, but scholars said this narration is not established because it is authentically reported from Abū Hurayrah that he denied wiping over them, and that narration is not authentic from him. So we do not take his opinion nor his narration because his narration is not authentic. Similarly, Ibn ‘Umar narrated wiping over khuffayn from the Prophet (saw), but it is authentically established from him that he said otherwise. The narration he narrated is not authentic. This may actually yield a useful point: these Companions did not narrate wiping over khuffayn from the Prophet (saw). As for Ibn ‘Umar, it is possible likewise; and Abū Hurayrah embraced Islam late, so this may indicate as some of our scholars said that wiping over khuffayn was early, before Sūrat al-Mā’idah. There remains the issue of Jarīr, did he embrace Islam after Sūrat al-Mā’idah? This needs examination; it is possible Jarīr heard part of al-Mā’idah and the whole sūrah does not necessarily have to have been revealed at one time; al-Baqarah, for example, was not revealed at one time. He may have assumed it was revealed later among other possibilities. In any case, a narrator is fallible. He may be correct or err. I am not here to settle this issue, though you may say wiping over khuffayn is not established at this time because the verse explicitly commands washing the feet.

So in such cases, we must ascertain whether the narrator’s narration is established and whether the narrator’s opinion is established and then judge each case individually. A narrator may reject a narration because he thinks it contradicts consensus. How can a narration be rejected for contradicting consensus? Can the Prophet’s (saw) saying be rejected by consensus of people? Here we say, as we said regarding the issue of rejecting a hadith that contradicts the Qur’an: we understand from this that the hadith is not authentic because if it were authentic, it would not contradict the Qur’an and the Prophet (saw) cannot say something contrary to the Qur’an; that can never happen. Here too, a hadith may appear authentic in its chain, but when the ummah has agreed upon the contrary, that indicates to us that this hadith is either abrogated, interpreted, restricted, specified, or weak, even if its chain appears sound; because trustworthiness of men and their precision are conditions for authenticity, and continuity of chain is also a condition. The presence of these conditions does not mean all conditions have been met; we must examine the remaining conditions to judge the hadith authentic.

It may be said: the default is that if the chain is continuous, the conditions of trustworthiness and precision are met, and there are no hidden defects (‘ilal) that undermine its establishment then yes, it is established in principle. But when the ummah has agreed on the contrary, this indicates a hidden defect that must be sought; if we can identify it, fine; if not, we are certain of it without pinpointing the exact defect. This is well-known in the statements of scholars no one denies it.

However, there remains an obstacle: we must be sure of the authenticity of this consensus. How many narrations have been claimed to contradict consensus, yet that consensus turned out to be an illusion. The consensus was not established? This is an important point that a student of knowledge should pay attention to: not everything attributed to scholars is authentically from them. How many narrations in creed, worship, transactions, and other areas have been attributed to some scholars yet they never heard of them in their lives? For example, you find attributed to Abū Bakr al-Ṣiddīq that he said such-and-such regarding the vision [of Allah]; it is attributed indeed, it is said all the Companions agreed on it, and even the prophets and messengers agreed but in reality these narrations are not authentic. So if someone comes with such an attribution that many people claim, we must be cautious.

Therefore, when we encounter a purported consensus, we must reflect: how many claimed consensuses are not authentic? And how many opinions attributed to a scholar or to scholars are not authentic from them at all? Here, especially when we find some narrations contradict some claimed consensuses or rather, those consensuses contradict these narrations we must examine and scrutinize. Some of these narrations, as I said, may not be authentic from them. At the same time, we find some consensuses to be authentic, but we find some people attributing to certain scholars the contrary opinion to those consensuses. Consequently, some people follow those who differed, saying: ‘This issue is not agreed upon, and I take the view of so-and-so’ as we said earlier, those who take the view of al-Sālimī. And we said this statement is not absolutely correct they make the disagreement the arbiter over the legal evidence, whereas Allah commanded us when differing to refer the disagreement to the legal evidence meainng: to the Book and the Sunnah of the Prophet (saw). He commanded us to refer it to Allah and His Messenger. Referring to Allah is referring to His Book, and referring to His Messenger is referring to his Sunnah(saw). We do not make disagreement the arbiter even when the disagreement is valid; so what if the disagreement is not valid, and the ummah is actually agreed?

When we find, for example, the issue of musical instruments of which more than 30 scholars have reported consensus on its prohibition. Yet some people come and say: ‘I follow so-and-so and so-and-so.’ This is not established from them at all. We must also note that some of those to whom such opinions are attributed are not qualified mujtahids. Even if authentically attributed to them. Some of them may have been hasty in their early days, or they may have thought there was no consensus when the matter is actually agreed upon. So we must be cautious in such matters. Not every consensus is authentic, and not every disagreement is valid. One must pay attention to these issues.

There are scholars known for reporting consensuses; many matters are subject to disagreement for many reasons. I have pointed to some, and there are reasons I cannot point to now. But students must be aware of these. I am not saying this now, but when you study, whether in university studies or later, even if only to a limited degree, a person should know why scholars differed and how to stand when there is disagreement among scholars, how to stand regarding the mujtahids, and regarding the followers (muqallids) who follow those scholars.

Followers themselves are of different types. Some are laymen who cannot read or write . When you try to ask about the simplest matter, they do not understand. If such a person says: ‘I follow so-and-so,’ and you say to him: ‘This hadith is narrated by al-Rabī’ and by Abū ‘Ubaydah,’ and he says: ‘I don’t know what al-Rabī’ narrated or what Abū ‘Ubaydah narrated’ fine. If such a person follows a scholar in a matter, one should try to explain to him, but sometimes it does not become clear.

I recall a story: someone heard a sermon or lesson in which the speaker said: ‘When a person wants to slaughter, he must say bismillāh it is obligatory and Allāhu akbar is recommended.’ So when that person went to slaughter, he said: ‘Bismillāh obligatory, Allāhu akbar recommended.’ The speaker had intended to explain that basmalah is obligatory meaning one cannot slaughter without saying bismillāh, and the meat is forbidden to eat if the basmalah was omitted, whether intentionally or forgetfully while takbīr is not obligatory but recommended; if omitted, there is no harm. But this person did not understand; he thought he had to say the words ‘bismillāh obligatory and Allāhu akbar recommended.’ So what can you do with such laymen? If a layman hears something from Shaykh so-and-so, and when told otherwise, he may say: ‘Shaykh so-and-so said this; he would not abandon a hadith, he is the one who can [evaluate].’ But sometimes, when he understands, he may. A student of knowledge is different from such a layman. As for laymen, one must see why he differed and if the understanding can be corrected, one tries. And inshallah, laymen are more accommodating than some people with ulterior motives.

The point is: there are matters that may relate to the chain of transmission or to the text that may lead one to reject a hadith and they are many. But I will suffice with this for now.”

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What is Da’wah?

“Invite to the Way of your Lord with wisdom and kind advice, and only debate with them in the best manner. Surely your Lord knows best who has strayed from His Way and who is guided.” (Qur’an 16:125)

“And it is not for the believers to go forth [to battle] all at once. For there should separate from every division of them a group [remaining] to obtain understanding in the religion and warn their people when they return to them that they might be cautious.” (Qur’an 9:122)

“And who is better in speech than one who invites to Allah and does righteousness and says, “Indeed, I am of the Muslims.” (Qur’an 41:33)

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Let us tell you what Da’wah is not. Da’wah is not posting pictures of the wives of Christian apologist in bikini and other inappropriate clothing. This is an act of kufr. Those who are pleased with it are pleased with acts of kufr. If The person who post this dies without repenting from it they upon something other than Islam. Yes! It is that serious.

Da’wah is not saying that you will start telling people that a self proclaimed ex-Muslim girl took ‘backshots’ in the desert simply becuase she spreads lies about the Blessed Prophet (saw). Her lies do not justify your lies. This too is an act of kufr. Those who are pleased with it are pleased with acts of kufr. If the person dies without repenting from this they die upon something other than Islam.

Da’wah is not ‘dunking’ on others. No one’s goal should be to ‘destroy’ someone. We don’t ‘own’ others. Allah is the one who owns us all! We are all of us broken and needy before Allah.

Can you imagine the atheist, the agnostic, the undecided seeker? They see this very nasty discourse between Muslims and Christians. Why would they choose to become either? They may reason to themselves, that if religion causes me to be an angry hateful and vicious individual what is the point of religion?!

Da’wah is not argument or claims of superiority. It’s an authentic, genuine and sincere invitation to Allah with dignity. What da’wah really is, what’s it’s obligation, who should speak (and within what knowledge), and the Qur’anic method of wisdom, gentle counsel and best manner. It closes with the core truth: you invite, but Allah ultimately is the guide.

We strongly encourage everyone to listen to this wonderful and beneficial talk on the Call to Islam (Da’wah) by Shaykh Hatim Al Abdisalam and Shaykh Muhanna Al Harthy. It offers valuable insights, practical guidance, and inspiration for anyone interested in conveying the message of Islam with wisdom and compassion.

So by mercy from Allah, [O Muhammed], you were lenient with them. And if you had been rude and harsh in heart, they would have fled from about you. So pardon them and ask forgiveness for them and consult them in the matter. And when you have decided, then rely upon Allah. Indeed, Allah loves those who rely upon Him. (Qur’an 3:159)

The example of da’wah to Pharaoh.

“O eminent ones, I have not known you to have a god other than me.” (Qur’an 28:38)

“Go to Pharaoh. Indeed, he has transgressed.” (Qur’an 20:24)

So we can see that Pharaoh has committed the highest form of sin against Allah (swt) namely the claim of divinity! Allah (swt) also says that he was a transgressor!

Nonetheless look at the way in which Allah (swt) ask Moses and Aaron (peace be upon them both) to conduct themselves while speaking with him.

“And speak to him with gentle speech that perhaps he may be reminded or fear Allah.” (Qur’an 20:44)

Christians and Atheist can say some very dispicable and vile things about our faith. This does not mean that we respond to them in kind. It can be frustraing. Especially for us as Muslims. When engaging with Christians, especially the low hanging fruiti among them, they insult the Blessed Prophet Muhammed (saw) but we cannot turn around and insult Jesus (as).

“Do not insult what they invoke besides Allah or they will insult Allah spitefully out of ignorance. This is how We have made each people’s deeds appealing to them. Then to their Lord is their return, and He will inform them of what they used to do.” (Qur’an 6:108)

The majority of the companions and indeed the majority of people you will meet in your life who become Muslims did so because of the good conduct and charachter of Muslims.

“Virtue and evil are not equal. If you replace evil habits with virtuous ones, you will certainly find that your enemies will become your intimate friends.” (Qur’an 41:34)

We are human and at times we may slip. Allah (swt) reminds us in such occasions.

“But if you forget, then remember your Lord, and say, “I trust my Lord will guide me to what is more right than this.” (Qur’an 18:24)

We should ask ourselves if we embody the following verse:

“And who is better in speech than one who invites to Allah and does righteousness and says, “Indeed, I am of the Muslims.” (Qur’an 41:33)

1. What is Da’wah?

Da’wah literally means “invitation” or “calling.” It is inviting people to know Allah and understand Islam. It is not about winning debates or pressuring people to accept Islam.

2. The Purpose of Da’wah

The goal is to:

Help people know the truth about Islam.

Remove misconceptions.

Guide people to worship Allah alone.

Earn Allah’s pleasure by conveying His message.

A Muslim is responsible for conveying the message, not for making someone accept it.

3. Qualities of a Good Da’ee (Caller to Islam)

The discussion emphasizes that a da’ee should have:

Sincerity (Ikhlas): Seeking Allah’s pleasure alone.

Knowledge: Speaking based on authentic Islamic teachings.

Wisdom: Choosing the right words and the right time.

Patience: Accepting rejection without anger.

Good manners: Being humble, truthful, gentle, and respectful.

4. The Best Method of Da’wah

The most effective invitation is often through:

Good character.

Helping others.

Being honest in business and daily life.

Showing kindness and mercy.

Listening before speaking.

People are often attracted to Islam by the behavior of Muslims before they are convinced by arguments.

5. Common Mistakes in Da’wah

The discussion warns against:

Arguing aggressively.

Speaking without knowledge.

Insulting other religions.

Trying to force people to accept Islam.

Becoming impatient when someone does not accept the message.

6. The Prophet Muhammed’s Example

The Prophet ﷺ is presented as the greatest example of da’wah because he:

Treated everyone with mercy.

Forgave those who harmed him.

Answered questions calmly.

Never forced anyone to become Muslim.

Continued inviting people despite years of hardship.

7. Responsibility of Every Muslim

Da’wah is not limited to scholars. Every Muslim can participate by:

Being a good example.

Sharing authentic Islamic knowledge.

Helping neighbors and colleagues.

Answering questions honestly.

Referring difficult questions to knowledgeable scholars.

8. Guidance Belongs to Allah

One of the main lessons is that success in da’wah is not measured by the number of converts. Success is delivering the message sincerely and correctly. Guidance is in Allah’s hands.

Key Takeaway

The discussion presents da’wah as a lifelong act of worship built on sincerity, knowledge, wisdom, patience, and excellent character. It reminds Muslims that their conduct is often the strongest invitation to Islam, and that their duty is simply to convey the message faithfully while leaving the outcome to Allah.

A remeinder to us at PrimaQur’an and our team.

We, the Ibāḍīs, are distinguished from other sects and schools by our noble character and refined conduct. We rise above those who slander us and we are not people of insults, and this has been the way of our forefathers, whose footsteps we follow. That is why everyone who visits Ibadi communities in Oman, Zanzibar, Algeria, Libya etc does not hear foul or offensive words.

Anas ibn Mālik (may Allah be pleased with him) said: “The Prophet ﷺ was never insulting, nor obscene, nor one who cursed.”

Source: (https://sunnah.com/bukhari:6031)

Therefore, regardless of what has been said about us or what will be said, we remain committed to the manners of the Prophet, the manners of true believers.

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Face to Face with the Blessed Prophet: How Oman Preserved Pure Islam Through Unbroken Transmission

“We have sent you only as a mercy for the whole world.” (Qur’an 21:107)

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Face to Face with the Blessed Prophet (saw): How Oman Preserved Pure Islam Through Unbroken Transmission.

This will be a translation of the talk given by Shaykh Hilal Al Barwani (h) below:

The school of reciters: A starting point in Omani History -Shaykh Hilal Al Barwani (h).

Allah-Willing this lecture will establish a few key points.

The Islam of Oman was not a late or secondary arrival. It was taken directly, face-to-face, from the Prophet Muhammed (saw) through multiple delegations (wufud), and preserved through an unbroken, mutawatir (mass-transmitted) chain of transmission. Due to Oman’s geographical remoteness, this Islam remained pure, uncorrupted by foreign influences (Persian, Roman, Greek, Indian).

The Delegations (Wufud): The Shaykh lists at least 12 delegations from Oman to the Prophet (saw), including:

    • Mazin bin Ghadhub Al-Ta’i (three separate visits: pre-Hijra, 3 AH, 7 AH). The Prophet (saw) famously prayed for Oman: “O Allah, guide them and reward them… grant them chastity, sufficiency, and contentment… do not empower an outsider enemy against them.”
    • Delegations from Bani Nabhan, Bani Tahiyeh (including Ka’b bin Bursha’, who recognized the Prophet’s description in the Torah and Gospel), Bani Al-Haddan, Bani Thamalah, Bani Al-Farahid, Al-Atiq, Abdul Qais, Bani Rasib (Abdullah bin Wahb Al-Rasibi), and even a delegation of Omani women who met Aisha (ra).

    Early Mosques and Qiblas: The existence of mosques in Oman oriented toward two qiblas (first Jerusalem, then Mecca) proves that prayer was established before the Prophet’s migration to Medina.

    The School of the Reciters (Qurra’): After the Blessed Prophet’s school at Dar Al-Arqam in Mecca, the “School of the Reciters” was established in Medina. These Qurra’ (who memorized Quran, knew Sunnah, and reasons for revelation) were the elite missionaries, judges, and army leaders. Their tragic martyrdom at Bi’r Ma’unah and later at Nahrawan (alongside Abdullah bin Wahb Al-Rasibi) is highlighted.

    Imam Jabir bin Zaid (18-21 AH – c. 93-103 AH): The central figure in preserving Omani Islam. A Tabi’i (Follower), he met 70 Companions who fought at Badr, traveled 40 times for Hajj to collect narrations, and copied the Blessed Prophet’s letter on sadaqat from the sons of Amr bin Hazm. He founded the school of Ahl al-Haqq wal-Istiqamah (People of Truth and Righteousness). His students included Abu Bilal Mirdas, Abdullah bin Ibadh, and Salim bin Dhakwan.

    Codification (Tadwin): The lecture argues that Imam Jabir bin Zaid was the first to codify the Blessed Prophetic Sunnah, before any other school. This codification passed through Abu Ubaidah Muslim bin Abi Karimah → Al-Rabi’ bin Habib → then to Oman (Mahbub Al-Rahil in Sohar, Abu Al-Mundhir in Nizwa, Abu Ali Al-Azri in Izki).

    Al-Khalil bin Ahmad Al-Farahidi (d. 175 AH / 791 CE): An Omani scholar who founded Arabic prosody (‘arud), diacritical marks, grammar (nahw), and authored the first Arabic dictionary (Kitab Al-‘Ayn), all in service of the Quran.

    Reasons for Marginalization: Economic blockades, famine, migration to Africa, lack of enduring institutions (unlike Al-Azhar or Qayrawan), focus on tribal wars, and the burning of libraries by Abbasid forces (e.g., Ibn Bur). Over 12,000 Omani manuscript titles exist but lack publication and institutional support.

      Lost Heritage: The repeated references to lost or unprinted manuscripts (Jami’ Abi Safrah, Musnad of Al-Rabi’, Diwan Al-Muarad, Jabir bin Zaid’s original books) point to a rich but endangered scholarly tradition.

      Praise be to Allah, Lord of the worlds. We praise Him, the Exalted, seek His help, His guidance, and His forgiveness for all sins, and repent to Him. We send prayers and peace upon our Master Muhammed, and upon all his family and companions. Allah, the Glorified and Exalted, sent him as a mercy to the worlds. He delivered the message, fulfilled the trust, advised the nation, removed distress, and strove in the way of his Lord until certainty came to him. We ask Allah, the Glorified and Exalted, to make us among those who listen to the saying and follow the best of it. So, peace be upon you, and the mercy and blessings of Allah.

      In this pleasant and blessed meeting, in a house among the houses of Allah, and in this gathering, we wish to present some of what concerns us from the history of our nation. That is the period during which the Messenger (saw) was sent, how it happened, and how our forefathers transmitted this Islam to us, and their relationship with the Messenger (saw). This is because historical references need someone to read and review them, and they need someone to study them. Also, much of what was written in the Omani biographical literature (Siyar) has not seen the light of day. Many of these Siyar still need verification, printing, and study.

      Because people have not fully grasped this history, nor have they known it, if someone were to ask them: “How did Islam reach you? From whom did you take the religion? The Messenger (saw) was sent in Mecca and Medina, so how did you (in Oman) receive it? Who transmitted Islam to you from there to here?” In this phase, meaning in this context of historical understanding, we must know about the delegations that came from the people of Oman to the Messenger of Allah (saw).

      And also the second point: the role of the scholars from the people of Oman in establishing the principles of Islam by establishing various schools, the codifications (mudawwanat) they wrote, the books they authored, and through which they preserved Islam. Islam remained with them in a strong context, untouched by alteration, substitution, or distortion. With Allah’s will, I will address two points.

      The First Point: The delegations (Wufud) that came from the people of Oman to the Messenger of Allah (saw).

      Of course, history mentions that a number of people from Oman came as delegations to the Messenger of Allah (saw). I will mention some of these delegations to make it clear to everyone that your fathers and forefathers took Islam through continuous transmission (mutawatir) from the Messenger of Allah (saw), generation after generation, group after group, so that it becomes firmly established in every person’s mind that the Islam our fathers and forefathers preserved was pure and correct, originating from the Messenger of Allah (saw).

      These are the delegations that set out to the Messenger of Allah (saw) when they heard of his mission. As you know, only Mazin bin Ghadhub Al-Ta’i is studied in the school curricula, and his meeting with the Messenger (saw) is studied as if he was an individual who visited the Messenger (saw). However, in history books like the history of Ibn Kathir’s Al-Sirah Al-Nabawiyyah and books on the biographies of the Companions, it is mentioned that Mazin had three delegations.

      It is mentioned in the book Subul Al-Huda wal-Rashad that a narration from Mazin bin Ghadhub says: “We arrived to the Messenger of Allah (saw) in Mecca Al-Mukarramah.” This narration indicates that Mazin met the Messenger (saw) in Mecca before his migration to Medina. He said: “We found Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq (RA), and he guided us to the Messenger of Allah (saw.” This indicates that there was a meeting between the people of Oman and the Messenger (saw). This view is supported by the fact that when Prophet Ibrahim (AS) built Mecca, he supplicated to his Lord: “My Lord, I have settled some of my descendants in an uncultivated valley near Your sacred House, our Lord, that they may establish prayer. So make hearts among the people incline toward them…” Thus, visitors to the Sacred House have come since the time of Prophet Ibrahim, so there were necessarily people from the tribes of Oman and the land of Oman who came to Mecca. This is evidence that they met the Messenger before his migration to Medina.

      A second piece of evidence supporting this view is the existence of some mosques in Oman oriented towards the two Qiblas, such as one with us in Ibra, one mentioned in Nizwa, or some other mosques. This also indicates that they established prayer… What? Before the Messenger’s (saw) migration to Medina, and therefore they used to face Al-Aqsa Mosque.

      The third piece of evidence is found in some graves indicating that, before Islam, they used to bury their dead facing Al-Aqsa Mosque, not facing the Qibla of the Kaaba. All these pieces of evidence support the view that the people of Oman met the Messenger (saw) in Mecca before his migration to Medina.

      The second matter: After the migration, it is also narrated that Mazin came to the Messenger (saw). This is mentioned in the books of Companions’ biographies (those who met the Messenger). Mazin met the Messenger a second time in the third year of the Hijra. The books of Companions’ biographies detail this journey: he set out to the Messenger (saw). Of course, as you know, in that past time, it was not possible for a person to travel alone from these remote, distant areas to Medina due to the distance and the danger of the road. Therefore, they would travel in a caravan, a group, or a delegation. Also, as was the custom of the Arabs when meeting with rulers and princes, one would not go alone but rather in a delegation or a caravan with his group and family. So, they set out in a delegation.

      It is also mentioned that among the delegation with Mazin bin Ghadhub in the sixth year was his student and servant, Abu Al-Kathir Salih bin Al-Mutawakkil. They arrived to the Messenger of Allah (saw) in Medina, stood before him, and recited verses found in history books and Companions’ biography books, saying: “To you, O Messenger of Allah, my mount wearily travels, crossing deserts from Oman to Al-Arj, so that you may intercede for me, O best of those who tread the earth, and my Lord forgives me, and I return with success.”

      Out of love, honor, and reverence for the Messenger of Allah (saw), he recited the poem. It is narrated that the Messenger (saw asked him, “Who is this who is with you?” – referring to his young servant. He said, “This is my servant, Abu Al-Kathir Salih bin Mutawakkil.” The Messenger (saw) said, “Take good care of him,” so Mazin set him free in the presence of the Messenger (saw), out of love, reverence, and honor for the Messenger of Allah (saw).

      As you know, when Mazin bin Ghadhub went out the first time he met him, and now the second time with those from Oman, what were they carrying? They were the nation (Ummah), wanting to save the nation from the ignorance (Jahiliyyah) they were upon. Mazin said to the Messenger (saw): “Supplicate to Allah for the people of Oman.” The Messenger (saw) said: “O Allah, guide them and reward them.” Mazin said, “More, O Messenger of Allah.” He said: “O Allah, grant them chastity, sufficiency, and contentment with what You have given them.” Mazin said, “More, O Messenger of Allah. The sea splashes next to us, so supplicate to Allah regarding our sea produce, our footwear (khuff), and our livestock (dhalf).” He (saw) said: “O Allah, increase the good from their sea for them, and bless them in their footwear and livestock.” Mazin said, “More, O Messenger of Allah.” The Messenger (saw) said: “O Allah, do not empower an outsider enemy against them. Say ‘Ameen,’ O Mazin.” So he said ‘Ameen,’ and then the supplication is answered.

      Of course, after that, Mazin requested supplication for himself. The rest of the narration or story is known to you. In it, Mazin said upon returning to Oman, as mentioned in Ibn Kathir’s Al-Sirah Al-Nabawiyyah: “Then my people rebuked me, blamed me, and treated me harshly. They ordered their poet to satirize me. I said, ‘If I satirize them, I satirize myself.’ So I withdrew to one side, built a mosque, and stayed there…” The mosque upon his return in the sixth year after (meeting) the Messenger. He established the mosque and raised the call ‘Hayya ‘ala as-Salah’ (come to prayer) in it, and established the congregation. At that time, in Mecca, the Adhan had not been raised, nor was prayer established. So the Adhan was raised and prayer was established in Oman before Mecca, because Mecca was conquered in the eighth year of the Hijra, while Mazin established the mosque and raised the call to prayer there from the sixth year.

      He says: “Then my people said… This mosque, no one in need would come and supplicate to Allah except that Allah answered him, nor would a sick person come and supplicate to Allah except that He cured him. He says: Then my people blamed themselves and came to me saying, ‘Yours is your religion, and you are the one in charge of our affairs, so return to us.’ So I returned to them.” Then he says: “Then Allah guided a people from Oman, and they entered Islam.” He says: “And in the following year, i.e., the seventh year of the Hijra, those whose souls yearned (for the Prophet) also came, accompanied by people from Oman, when he had told them about the Messenger’s (saw) conduct. They went to the Messenger of Allah (saw), and the Messenger (saw) gave them glad tidings, saying: ‘O pure one from the pure ones, O most generous from the most generous ones, Allah has guided a people from Oman, and they have entered Islam. Allah has made Oman prosperous and increased profits and abundant goodness from the land and sea.’ The Messenger (saw) said: ‘My religion is the religion of Islam, and Allah will increase the people of Oman in Islam. So blessed (Tuba) is he who believes in me and sees me, and blessed is he who believes in me but does not see me, and blessed, and then blessed is he who believes in me but does not see me, nor sees the one who saw me.'”

      So here are three delegations with Mazin: before Mecca, the third year, and the seventh year.

      Likewise, it is also mentioned – and you know that Mazin bin Ghadhub is from Bani Tayy, from As-Sa’di, from Sa’d Tayy in Samail – that there was another delegation. Perhaps it was with Mazin, before, or after – Allah knows best – but history does not mention it. They were from Bani Nabhan of Tayy, led by Khalid bin Sadus bin Asma’ Al-Nabhani, accompanied by Yazid bin Jabir bin Asma’ Al-Nabhani. They came to the Messenger of Allah (saw), embraced Islam, and took Islam directly from him.

      So, how many delegations now? Four delegations. Also, in the sixth year when the Messenger concluded the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah, and in the seventh year he began writing to the leaders and kings of the world. The Messenger (saw) sent a letter to Kisra Shiroweih, the king of Persia. When the letter reached the Persian king, he tore it up. He wrote to his governor… so Allah empowered his son Shiroweih over him, who killed his father Kisra and Shiroweih and seized control of the Persian lands. Then Shiroweih wrote to some of his governors in Oman, called the Marzaban, saying: “Select for me a man, Arab-Persian (i.e., fluent in both languages), and send him to investigate the matter of this man (Muhammed).” So he selected Ka’b bin Bursha’ Al-Tahi from Bani Tahiyeh of the desert… So they formed a delegation – as you know, one cannot travel alone – and they came to the Messenger of Allah (saw). This was the first delegation from Bani Tahiyeh.

      Ka’b bin Bursha’ Al-Tahi had read the scriptures of the People of the Book, the Torah and the Gospel, leaving nothing, and recognized what was in them. He knew the descriptions of the promised Prophet who would be sent at the end of time. When he arrived in Medina, he threw down his riding stick (signifying travel gear) before the Messenger (saw), sat with him, and began to learn from him, asking him about Islam and what he calls to. The Messenger (saw) clarified for him. He found those descriptions mentioned in the books of the People of the Book applied to the Messenger (saw). The proof was established for him, he entered Islam, and brought those with him into the religion. He returned to Oman and informed the Marzaban there of the truth of the Messenger’s (saw) prophethood. The Marzaban said, “Give me time until I return to Persia.” Ka’b began to inform the people of the truth of the Messenger’s (saw) prophethood, of the evidence and proofs he saw, and that the descriptions in the Torah and Gospel applied to the Messenger (saw). The souls of the people of Oman, the people of Sohar (Ka’b was sent from Sohar), yearned for the meeting with the Messenger (saw).

      It is narrated that the Messenger, in the sixth year of the Hijra, sent Abu Zaid Al-Ansari (whose name was Thabit bin Qais bin…) to the people of Oman to call them to Islam. He sent Abu Zaid Al-Ansari in the sixth year, and he remained until the eighth year when Amr bin Al-Aas came, calling them to Islam and managing their affairs.

      Also, after the return of the delegation of Bani Tahiyeh, the Messenger (saw) sent Al-Ala’ bin Al-Hadrami as governor over Oman and Bahrain. At that time, Bahrain was part of Oman. He sent him as governor over Oman and Bahrain. When Al-Ala’ Al-Hadrami arrived – and the Messenger (saw) had written a letter for him, a letter that exists in the Omani Sirah, printed but without verification, in the book Al-Muntakhab by the Ministry of Heritage – it is the Sirah of the Messenger of Allah (saw) by Al-Ala’ bin Al-Hadrami, which is the oldest Sirah. So the people of Oman formed a delegation led by Asad bin Yabraḥ Al-Tahi. They came to the Messenger of Allah (saw), met him, and took Islam directly from him, face to face. The Messenger taught them directly, and they took it by word and deed. They stayed with him, studied under him, and were honored by his companionship. When they wanted to return, they said, “O Messenger of Allah, send with us someone to teach us the matters of our religion.” Mukharrib Al-Abd (whose name was Mudrik bin Khowt) stood up and said, “O Messenger of Allah, send me with them, for they have a favor upon me. They captured me on the day of Janoub and then freed me as a favor.” So the Messenger (saw) sent them with him to Oman.

      How many delegations now? Mazin’s three, the delegation of Bani Abban is four, the delegation of Ka’b bin Bursha’ Al-Tahi is five, and the delegation of Asad bin Yabraḥ Al-Tahi is six. All of them were from the desert region. So, six delegations.

      When they came to Oman, Islam began to spread, and they themselves spread Islam. It is said that the Azd of Oman formed a delegation led by Salamah bin Iyadh Al-Azdi. They came to the Messenger of Allah (saw) – these delegations are mentioned in Ibn Sa’d’s Al-Tabaqat Al-Kubra – they met with him, learned from him, and took Islam directly from him, face to face. Then, when they wanted to return, they said, “O Messenger of Allah, supplicate to Allah to unite us.” The Messenger (saw) said: “O Allah, unite us.” So they returned to Oman, Islam spread among the people of Oman, and began to spread among the tribes.

      Then the people of Oman formed two more delegations: the delegation of Bani Al-Haddan and the delegation of Bani Thamalah. As you know, there are mountains called the Haddan mountains, belonging to Bani Shams, Ma’awil bin Shams, and Tahi bin Shams, all from the Azd of Oman. The author of Al-Tabaqat says that they had already entered Islam in Oman (meaning they were Muslims when they left Oman, but they wanted to be honored by the company of the Messenger). The delegation of Bani Al-Haddan was led by Musalliyah bin Hazzan Al-Haddani, and the head of the delegation of Bani Thamalah was Abdullah bin Illas Al-Thamali. They came to the Messenger (saw), stayed with him, sat by his side, and sought blessings from his company. The Messenger (saw) wrote a letter for them when they wanted to return to Oman, which included: “In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful, from Muhammed, the Messenger of Allah (saw), to the dwellers of the coasts and the valleys of Sohar…” It is a letter regarding charity (Sadaqat), also found in Al-Tabaqat Al-Kubra, written by Thabit bin Qais bin Shammas, witnessed by Sa’d bin Ubadah and Muhammed bin Maslamah. They came to Oman, established themselves, and Islam spread throughout Oman, and they began teaching the people.

      How many delegations now? With Allah’s will: Mazin’s two (or three), Bani Abban is four, the two Bani Tahiyeh delegations are six, the Azd of Oman delegation is seven, Al-Haddan delegation is eight, Bani Thamalah delegation is nine. Also, the delegation of Bani Al-Farahid.

      Ibn Duraid, who is from Sohar and a famous scholar of the Arabic language, author of Al-Jamharah and Al-Ishtiqaq, lived in the third century (AH). He met Imam Al-Salt bin Malik in Nizwa and stayed with him. Ibn Duraid said: “I went out to Nizwa during days of rain and fertility. Imam Al-Salt bin Malik (may Allah have mercy on him) said to me, ‘Listen to us tomorrow, insha’Allah. We will pray two rak’ahs and supplicate to Allah to remove the rain from us,’ due to the heavy rainfall that had damaged houses. So he sat with him. In the morning, Imam Al-Salt prayed two rak’ahs and supplicated to Allah to place it on the mountains, hills, and tree growths – meaning he supplicated to Allah to lighten the rain for them. Ibn Duraid said: ‘The first one from the people of Oman to come to the Messenger of Allah (saw) was my grandfather Hammam bin Jarw bin Wasi’ Al-Farahidi, along with some people from his tribe.’ He said ‘with some people from his tribe,’ indicating it was a delegation, but it’s not specified whether it was before or after these other delegations. He said ‘the first,’ so perhaps it is among the earliest delegations that came to the Messenger (saw), perhaps even in Mecca – and Allah knows best. Because his phrasing is ‘The first from the people of Oman to come to the Messenger of Allah (saw) was my grandfather Hammam… with some people from his tribe.’ So it wasn’t just one individual, but they stayed with him, learned from him, and returned to Oman.

      So, how many delegations now? Ten. The eleventh delegation is the delegation of Al-Atiq, led by Abu Safrah Sarif bin Dhalim from Sohar and also Dibba. He came to the Messenger (saw) wearing a yellow turban dragging behind him by a forearm’s length, with dignity and awe. The Messenger (saw) asked, “Who are you?” He said, “My name is Sarif bin Dhalim” (in one narration, ‘Sariq bin Dhalim’). The Messenger (saw) said… in a narration, ‘Ibn Al-Halqan, Ibn Al-Julanda, Ibn Al-Mustakbir, who seizes every ship by force’… narrations vary. The Messenger said, “Leave ‘Sarif’ or ‘Sariq’ and ‘Dhalim’ (names implying theft and injustice); you are Abu Safrah.” He said, “I bear witness that there is no god but Allah and that you are the Messenger of Allah, truly, truly. Allah blessed me with 18 children, and the last of them was a daughter, so I named her Safrah.” They stayed with him. However, it is mentioned that this delegation might have been after the eighth or ninth year of the Hijra.

      So, delegations so far: 11.

      The delegation of Abdul Qais: The author of Al-Tahdheeb (in the biography of the Companions) said that the delegation of Bani Abdul Qais came to the Messenger (saw). Their leader or chief was Al-Mundhir bin Al-Harith bin Abdul Qais. He was from Oman. He came to the Messenger (saw) and sat with him, wearing his best clothes. When they sat with the Messenger (saw) and he looked at them, he said: “There are two qualities in you that Allah and His Messenger love: forbearance (Hilm) and deliberation (Anah).” The author of Al-Tahdheeb said he was from Oman.

      So, delegations now: 12.

      The delegation of Bani Rasib, led by Abdullah bin Wahb Al-Rasibi. Sheikh Salim bin Hamud (Al-Siyabi) mentions in his book that he came as a delegation to the Messenger (saw) with his group and people from Oman. He stayed with the Messenger (saw), and his companionship was established. It is also mentioned in his biography that afterwards, perhaps they participated in the conquests during the time of Umar bin Al-Khattab (RA). When Umar (RA) wrote to his governor in Oman, Uthman bin Abi Al-Aas Al-Thaqafi, to advance to fight the Persians, crossing the sea, and after they were victorious, Al-Khattab gave them a part of Basra. They settled there. Later, when Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas needed help during the conquest of Persia, he wrote a letter to Umar bin Al-Khattab (RA) requesting assistance, so Umar wrote to Abdullah bin Wahb Al-Rasibi to come to him. He was the right-hand man in the conquests of Iraq. He participated twice: with the people of Oman and in the conquest of Iraq.

      Also, the delegation of the women of Oman. As you know, women also used to go for Hajj. In Lawahaq Al-Musnad, Abu Sufyan (may Allah have mercy on him) said: “Azwar (the best I met from Oman) told me that some women from Oman entered upon Aisha (RA) during the days of Hajj… They entered upon Aisha (RA), and she asked them, ‘Who are you?’ They said, ‘From the people of Oman.’ She said, ‘I heard my beloved (saw) say: “Many people from Oman will come to my Basin (Hawd).”‘”

      These are some of the delegations mentioned. See, even the women of Oman – from where did we take Islam? From the very heart of the Messenger’s (saw) house. We met the Mothers of the Believers and learned from Aisha (RA). Also, when the Messenger (saw) passed away to the Highest Companion, the news reached Oman. The people of Oman formed a delegation led by Abdul Janda, the ruler of Oman, accompanied by Amr bin Al-Aas. Seventy people from Oman went out with him. They came to Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq (RA), expressed their condolences regarding the Messenger (saw), and pledged allegiance to his Caliphate. They accompanied Amr bin Al-Aas and said, “This is a trust that the Messenger (saw) sent to us, and we return your trust to you.” So, see, 70 people from Oman stayed with Abu Bakr, with Al-Khattab, and with the senior Companions. They sat among them and took Islam directly from them, meeting the senior Companions.

      Also, during the time of Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq (RA), the issue of the Dibba incident occurred. Khalaf bin Ziyad Al-Bahrani (a scholar from Oman around the 2nd century AH) wrote a letter (Sirah) explaining that when the Zakat collector came to Dibba to a woman there, he was supposed to take a mature (Musinnah) sheep, but she gave him a young one (Saghirah). He forcibly took a mature sheep from her. She sought help from her people. Hudhayfah bin Mihsan Al-Ghalfani thought she and her people had apostatized, so he surrounded them, captured them, and took them to Medina. The people of Dibba formed a delegation of three: Al-Hadid, Al-Hamhami… They came to Umar bin Al-Khattab (RA), explained the issue to him, clarified it, and met with senior Companions. Al-Khattab (RA) returned their wealth and offspring to them and gave each of them 300 dirhams.

      The conclusion is that the people of Oman – your forefathers and fathers – had a meeting with the Messenger of Allah (saw). They took Islam directly from the Messenger (saw), face to face. They also took it through continuous transmission (mutawatir), meaning group from group, not individual from individual. Therefore, transmitted knowledge is the most authentic form of transmission – group from group, making it impossible for them to agree on a lie. They preserved it from the time of the Messenger (saw) in their lands. They were far from other civilizations. Because of this, when they preserved it, Roman, Persian, Greek, or Indian ideas did not mix with it. Thus, they preserved it correctly and purely. Consequently, the people of Oman did not have unusual religious rituals like others, because they were not influenced by other civilizations. They were far away and preserved Islam correctly as they transmitted it from the Messenger (saw). So, this removes any doubt: we took it directly from the Messenger.

      This is the first path.

      The Second Path: The matter of codification (Tadwin) and the precise control of codification. (But time is short, the lesson would be long and people might get bored).

      The second phase is the phase of codification. After the Messenger (saw) began his call, every individual entering Islam had to learn the matters of the religion, especially those related to creed and faith in Allah. The Messenger established the first school for them: Dar Al-Arqam bin Abi Al-Arqam. He began to instill Islam and the foundations of the religion in them. In summary, the Messenger instilled in the souls of the Companions that Islam is a complete, integrated reality that does not accept partition, half-solutions, equality (with falsehood), or compromises. The Messenger alone was the ideal model and practical application of Islam. As you know, wealth and status were offered to the Messenger – did he agree? He was asked to compromise on the matter of Islam when they gathered with his uncle Abu Talib. He said his famous statement: “O uncle, by Allah, if they put the sun in my right hand and the moon in my left to leave this matter, I would not leave it until Allah makes it victorious.” A firm creed with no compromise, and it affected the Companions.

      Similarly, in the second situation when Utbah bin Rabi’ah came to him and said, “Muhammed, if you want wealth by this matter, we will gather wealth for you; if you want leadership or sovereignty, we will make you our master,” etc. The Messenger recited the beginning of Surah Fussilat to him, and Utbah saw no sign of compromise from him. Then they came with half-solutions, saying, “Alright, you worship your god one day, and we will worship our god one day.” Then Allah revealed: “Say, O disbelievers, I do not worship what you worship…” Finally, they said, “Keep your religion, but stop criticizing our gods.” The Messenger said: “Say, ‘It is not for me to change it on my own accord. I only follow what is revealed to me. Indeed, I fear, if I disobey my Lord, the punishment of a tremendous Day.'” He told them all: Islam is a complete, integrated creed that does not accept partition. If part collapses, the whole collapses.

      This creed selected the men who led this nation. Allah tested them. An example of a test: the boycott of Banu Hashim lasted three years. But the Messenger instilled the creed, and it bore fruit; they did not compromise their faith or creed, despite the hardship and suffering during that boycott. Sa’d bin Abi Waqqas (RA) said: “I went out one day to relieve myself. I heard a crunching under my feet. It was a camel hide. I took it, washed it, burned it, ground it, and subsisted on it for three days.”

      In short, the school of Al-Arqam produced in the Companions the correct creed that the Messenger (saw) instilled. They never compromised their religion and sacrificed themselves for Islam. Later, when the Islamic call spread and the number of Muslims increased, and the harm from Quraysh intensified, the Messenger (saw) permitted them to migrate first to Abyssinia, but it was far. Then, after Allah blessed him with the second pledge of Aqabah from the people of Medina, who promised him victory, he permitted the weak Muslims to migrate to Medina. When they migrated, the Companions who graduated from the school of Al-Arqam established a school called the School of the Reciters (Qurra’). At that time, terms like exegetes, jurists, hadith scholars didn’t exist. Anyone who memorized the Quran or part of it, studied under the Messenger, preserved the Sunnah, and knew the reasons for revelation was called a Reciter (Qari’).

      They built a school in Medina called the School of the Qurra’. The Companions would migrate to it and stay. These Qurra’ would go out in the morning, gather firewood, sell it, and bring food to the Qurra’. Every new convert to Islam would come to that school and sit there, and they would teach him the Quran and prayer matters. This school remained a beacon until the Messenger came to Medina and beyond. The Messenger relied on the graduates of this school for calling to Islam (Da’wah). He would send those who were proficient, had memorized the Quran, knew the Sunnah, and knew the reasons for revelation. Many Muslims in Medina, but he didn’t send just anyone. An example is the story of the companions of Ar-Raji’ when the delegations of Adal and Qarah came to the Messenger. They said, “Send with us those who will teach us the matters of our religion.” He sent with them seven or ten of the Qurra’. Also, when Al-Amir (Amr bin Malik) came to the Messenger and asked him to send a group to the people of Najd. The Messenger said, “I fear for them.” He said, “I guarantee their safety.” It is said he sent 40 or 70 of the Qurra’. He used the Qurra’ for Da’wah. They were the ones who led the army, presided over judgments, and upon them revolved the affairs of Islam and the Muslims. But the people of Najd betrayed them and killed them at Bi’r Ma’unah. This is called the Expedition of the Qurra’ or the Expedition of Bi’r Ma’unah.

      The school remained in Medina, and then after the Messenger, Abu Bakr As-Siddiq (RA) relied on the Qurra’. In the battle of Al-Yamamah, the Companions said: “When the heat of battle intensified, we would seek refuge with the Qurra’,” as they stood firm on the battlefield because they sought death more than life and loved martyrdom. Umar bin Al-Khattab (RA) came to Abu Bakr and said, “O Caliph of the Messenger of Allah, preserve the memorizers of the Quran, for nearly 70 of the Qurra’ were killed in Al-Yamamah.” Abu Bakr ordered the Qurra’ to review the noble Mushaf written during the time of the Messenger and teach the people, so that the Qurra’ would not all be killed in battle, as they were the ones who stood firm.

      Then came the era of Umar bin Al-Khattab (RA). He relied on them, brought them close in his gatherings, they were his army leaders and callers to Islam. So, during the time of Abu Bakr and Umar, the state was strong by relying on the scholars, the Qurra’. Then came the time of Uthman (RA). In the early years, he relied on them, but in later years, he brought his relatives closer, and the state began to show weakness. A rebellion occurred in Medina against Uthman, leading to his assassination. Then Ali bin Abi Talib (RA) assumed power, and the Qurra’ gathered around him. Some Muslims rebelled against him in the Battle of the Camel, and he defeated them. Then Muawiyah staged a military coup against Ali bin Abi Talib at Siffin. The Qurra’ gathered with him and fought with him, until victory was near for Ali, were it not for the trickery of Amr bin Al-Aas. What happened, happened.

      When the Qurra’ advised Ali bin Abi Talib not to accept arbitration and that Muawiyah was a transgressor, and that he should fight them, but Ali did not listen to their opinion. The Qurra’ withdrew themselves. When the arbitration occurred and Ali was removed from the Caliphate, they said to him: “You have removed yourself from the Caliphate.” So they withdrew from him. Those people who withdrew were called the “Muhakkamah” (those who declare ‘Judgment belongs to Allah’). This Muhakkamah pledged allegiance to Abdullah bin Wahb Al-Rasibi as their imam. They considered Abdullah bin Wahb Al-Rasibi as the fifth of the Rightly Guided Caliphs after Ali bin Abi Talib. Then what happened between Ali and the Muhakkamah at the Battle of Nahrawan occurred. Abdullah bin Wahb Al-Rasibi was killed, along with many of the Qurra’ and those who remained with him. Among them were Abu Bilal Mirdas bin Hudayr, his brother Urwah bin Udiyyah, and others.

      Those who remained gathered around Jabir bin Zaid (may Allah have mercy on him). Discussions took place among them. Imam Jabir bin Zaid established his school. When was that? Imam Jabir bin Zaid was born in 18 AH (or 21 AH). He abandoned fighting and that affair and returned to Da’wah. He began to establish this school, meaning he codified and wrote it down. Imam Jabir bin Zaid (may Allah have mercy on him) began to collect authentic narrations from the Companions from the Messenger of Allah (saw). Abu (?) Jabir bin Zaid traveled from Basra to Medina and Mecca in 40 journeys, during 40 Hajj seasons, to meet as many Companions as possible, ask them about the Messenger (saw), the situations they experienced with him, the events they witnessed, what they heard from the Messenger, and what he told them. It is narrated that Imam Jabir said: “I met 70 of the Badriyyun (those who fought at Badr) and took from their knowledge.” (He meant Abdullah bin Abbas was considered young on the day of Badr…). Imam Jabir bin Zaid would codify what he heard from those narrations. He said, “I met a number of Companions of the Messenger of Allah (saw),” and “A number of Companions narrated to me,” indicating the many he met. It was said to him, “The Messenger (saw) wrote a letter on Sadaqat to Amr bin Hazm Al-Ansari when he sent him as governor over Yemen.” So he traveled specifically from Basra to Medina, went to the house of Amr bin Hazm Al-Ansari, knocked on the door of his sons, and asked them to show him the letter the Messenger (saw) had written to their father. They gave him the letter, he saw it, and he copied it. It is said he wrote it down and transmitted it. Imam Jabir was extremely keen on transmitting these narrations.

      Imam Jabir was not alone; with him were Abu Bilal Mirdas bin Hudayr, Abdullah bin Ibadh, Salim bin Dhakwan Al-Hilali, and Salim bin Hatti. Imam Jabir bin Zaid began to codify the narrations with those with him.

      Firstly, the school of Imam Jabir bin Zaid and his followers was called the School of the People of Truth and Righteousness (Ahl al-Haqq wal-Istiqamah). The founders were some Companions, like Abdullah bin Wahb Al-Rasibi, Zaid bin Husn Al-Ta’i, and other Companions – the Qurra’ who were martyred at Nahrawan. The Followers (Tabi’un) met the senior Companions. Imam Jabir bin Zaid met all the Companions. He met the leaders who participated with Ali bin Abi Talib during the days of turmoil: the Day of the House (siege of Uthman), the Day of the Camel, the Day of Siffin, the Day of Nahrawan, the Day of Nakhlah. He met all of them and asked them in detail. He asked the Companions about these events. It is said that Imam Jabir bin Zaid and Abu Bilal Mirdas bin Hudayr (may Allah have mercy on him) entered upon Aisha (RA) – who was one of the Prophet’s wives well-acquainted with events – sat with her, and asked her in detail about the life of the Messenger (saw), what she heard, about the events, including the era of Abu Bakr, the events of Umar, the Day of Uthman, and the Battle of the Camel (in which she participated). She repented and sought Allah’s forgiveness. Imam Jabir and Abu Bilal had vast knowledge of the complex political events.

      So, the summary: Firstly, the school of Imam Jabir bin Zaid met the Companions who met the Messenger (saw), so their transmission was correct and firmly established from the Messenger (saw). Secondly, they met the leaders who participated in those complex political events and battles, starting from the Day of the House, the Day of the Camel, Siffin, Nahrawan, Nakhlah. They met the leaders and knew who was correct and who was in error, so their understanding of the events was clear. Thirdly, they were residents of Basra, Iraq, and most of these events occurred in Iraq – they were present. So, they had a wide understanding of these matters. For example, Abdullah bin Ibadh wrote a letter (still extant, needing explanation and commentary) in which he says he met Uthman, Ali bin Abi Talib, and Muawiyah, and knew these events in detail. It is one of the oldest Siyar. Also, there is a Sirah by Salim bin Dhakwan Al-Hilali, a contemporary of Imam Jabir bin Zaid. The manuscript still exists, not yet printed, needing verification. There is also a Sirah by Salim bin Hilal, I don’t know if it exists or not. These Siyar were written in the first half of the first century AH or shortly after. They are codifications proving they were correct and on the right path because they witnessed the events, knew those who participated in them, met their leaders, took it directly from the correct sources, had full detail, and codified it. Therefore, their beliefs and narrations are truthful. It is not narrated that they fabricated a single narration attributed to the Messenger (saw).

      Then, after Imam Jabir bin Zaid came Abu Ubaidah Muslim bin Abi Karimah, who further clarified and expanded the school. Then after Abu Ubaidah came Al-Rabi’ bin Habib. Then the school divided: to Oman, to Yemen, and to North Africa. In Oman, during the time of Imam Al-Rabi’ bin Habib, he came to Oman and settled there. He had students of knowledge (or bearers of knowledge) with him. Mahbub Al-Rahil established a school in Sohar. Scholars from the Al-Rahili family and others emerged from Sohar. Upon this school revolved the learning of this family and scholars, as you read in Omani history: the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th centuries AH. Also, Abu Al-Mundhir Bashir bin Al-Mundhir was in Nizwa, established a school, built a mosque (later the Great Mosque), and was given the title ‘Sheikh’ in Omani heritage. He established his school, which continued. Also, Abu Ali Musa bin Ali Al-Azri in Izki. These schools branched from the school of Al-Rabi’. So, the chain connects: Al-Rabi’ from Abu Ubaidah, Abu Ubaidah from Jabir, Jabir from the senior Companions from the Prophet (saw). It is said that the books written by Imam Jabir bin Zaid were transmitted to Oman with Mahbub Al-Rahil, then Muhammed bin Mahbub carried them to Mecca. From Mecca, the people of the Maghrib (North Africa) copied them. But, by Allah, the books of Imam Jabir bin Zaid are still lost. What remains is what the students of Al-Rabi’ recorded from Abu Ubaidah or from some sheikhs from Imam Jabir bin Zaid. These were collected by Maghribi scholars in a book called Al-Diwan Al-Muarad ‘ala Al-Ashyakh (The Anthology Presented to the Sheikhs), consisting of 22 books. It is a compilation authored by scholars of Ahl al-Haqq wal-Istiqamah in the first and second centuries AH.

      Among them is the Jami’ Abi Safrah, which are narrations of Al-Rabi’ from Dhamam from Jabir bin Zaid from the Companions. The second book is the Musnad of Imam Al-Rabi’, which are narrations of Al-Rabi’ from Abu Ubaidah from Jabir bin Zaid. The difference is that the narrations of Al-Rabi’ from Dhamam are one type, and his narrations from Abu Ubaidah are another. This book also contains the Book of Marriage (Nikah al-Shighar) by Imam Jabir bin Zaid, as well as the Fatwas of Al-Rabi’, narrations of his fatwas, his effects (Athar), letters from scholars of Basra, letters from scholars of Medina, Mecca, Mosul, and Kufa. This book is still a manuscript, not printed. May Allah provide someone to review it, publish it, and bring it to light. This is a very brief summary of the codification of this period.

      Thus, we realize fully that the Companions codified it before others. The arrangement of the Noble Quran – the arrangement of the surahs (Alif-Lam-Mim, Al-Baqarah, An-Nisa’, Aal-Imran) – this arrangement according to the narration of Imam Jabir bin Zaid was written down. The first to codify the Prophetic Sunnah was Imam Jabir bin Zaid. Al-Khalil bin Ahmad Al-Farahidi (may Allah have mercy on him), who was from Oman, was the one who established the science of Arabic prosody (Al-Farahidi), the science of diacritical points (dotting), as writing was without dots. He established the vowel marks (fatha, damma, kasra, shadda). He established the dictionary (lexicon) – his first dictionary is Kitab Al-Ayn. He established the science of grammar (Nahw). All of this was in service of the Quran. The people of Oman were the foremost in serving the Noble Quran.

      …Does anyone have a question about the topic? Discussions, comments, or a point not understood? Please, go ahead.

      (The speaker continues)

      The arrangement of the Mushafs (written copies of the Quran)… Al-Aswad. It is said – and Allah knows best – that some books mention this point. I have found references to it. But it is also said regarding Al-Khalil bin Ahmad, though they do not make explicit the favor of the people of Oman. I even found that Al-Khalil bin Ahmad Al-Farahidi (may Allah have mercy on him) used to make this supplication: “My Lord, forgive me and grant me knowledge that no one after me will need, for You are the Bestower.” He always made this supplication, so Allah opened for him the science of the Arabic language; he was the one who founded and established its principles.

      Excellent.

      Glory be to You, O Allah, and with Your praise.

      Questioner: Shaykh, the reasons for marginalizing this history – ancient and modern Omani history – are there reasons that have led to its marginalization among many of the people, in their books or in their Siyar?

      Shaykh Hilal Al Barwani: There are many reasons. The people of Oman themselves neglected it. A period came upon the people of Oman during the days of economic blockade, famine, and drought. They were preoccupied with earning a living. They migrated, and many went to Africa. At that time, so much history was lost because no one studied it or taught it. Also, the neglect of history, lack of reading, lack of study, and no institutions existed for them. For example, if we look at Egypt, they have Al-Azhar, which codified that jurisprudence and took charge of education, teaching, and instruction. It has been like a university since the time of the Fatimids. In the Maghrib (North Africa), the University of Qayrawan also played this role. In Iraq, Karbala and Najaf Al-Ashraf have their own Hawzas (religious seminaries), strong institutions supported by funds, and there are those who take on (the role). All of them have students of knowledge. As for us, we have absolutely nothing. Add to that our love for tribal histories and wars, and so on. It was all lost. And none of our Imams tried, except Imam Al-Arab bin Sultan (may Allah have mercy on him), who built Jabrin Fort as the first university for students of knowledge. But later, due to division and disagreement, it was lost, and no one followed up after that. The hope now is that history is being investigated, the Siyar are being printed, reviewed, and so on.

      Questioner: Shaykh, are there existing (manuscripts) or effects of our companions?

      Shaykh Hilal Al Barwani: In Rustaq? In Nizwa? We mean great libraries. But due to war… due to the Abbasid wars and the (campaigns) of (the Abbasid general) Ibn Bur? They burned these libraries. Our companions truly had large libraries… However, some of them are in the forts. But they were burned. Some remain in the private collections of individuals. For example, in Oman, more than 12,000 titles of manuscripts, documents, and Siyar have been discovered. The Omani Siyar contain more than 300 Sirah (singular of Siyar), which need verification and review – they exist. Many manuscripts exist now, but there is no institution to print them, publish them, review them, nor anyone to support them. Nor are there people to buy them. Even if someone prints the books, no one buys from him. So all circumstances pressure the reality, preventing publication. We truly call upon the Omani people and the scholars to do something, even a small thing, so that people can access it.

      Questioner: (Insha’Allah, we will write, Mr. Shaykh Ahmad?) I understand.

      Shaykh Hilal Al Barwani: Insha’Allah.

      Questioner: Alright.

      Shaykh Hilal Al Barwani: Excellent. Glory be to You, O Allah, and with Your praise. I bear witness that there is no god but You. I seek Your forgiveness and repent to You. O Allah, make this gathering of ours a blessed gathering, and make our dispersal after it a protected dispersal. Do not let there be among us or with us any wretched or deprived person. O Allah, make us doers of good with knowledge and avoiders of indecency. Remove from us the injustice of the oppressors. And may Allah send prayers and peace upon our Master Muhammed, and upon his family and all his companions.

      Well done, may Allah reward you with good.

      Attendee: Well done, (even though it was) long.

      May Allah Guide the Ummah.

      May Allah Forgive the Ummah.

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